A Brief History: the Study of 律 (Pitch) in Ancient China

By Norah Han

The study of harmony, in both ancient East and West, was occasionally related to the belief of the harmonic consonance between heaven and earth. The Pythagoreans discovered that the ratio 2:3 between two music tones gives a pleasant sound and thus resembles the harmonic echo between heaven and earth.1 Similarly, in ancient Chinese literature the connection between music and the cosmos, 2:3, was regarded as the interval of harmony and symbolizes the reverberation between earth and heaven, as 2 was regarded as the number of the earth, and 3 represented the three points that form the sky.2 Starting from the period of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C – 220 A.D.), each lunar month was associated with one musical pitch (律, ) , as people believed that music was an intangible link between humans and heaven. During each month, all ritual performances were carried out in the specific assigned to the month.3

The calculation of musical pitches in ancient China can be traced back to its earliest written form in the books 吕氏春秋 (Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals) written by scholars funded by 吕不韦 (Lü Buwei) in 241 B.C. and 管子 (Guanzi) written by 管子 (Guan Zi) in the fourth century B.C.. In his book, Guan Zi recorded the method of adding and subtracting a third ( 三分损益法) and applied it to the number 81, an auspicious number in the Chinese tradition. Through his pitch-generating formula, Guan Zi was able to generate other four numbers: 54, 72, 48, and 64, respectively. Together with the number 81, the five numbers correspond to the musical notes do-so-re-la-mi in today’s common music notation system. These five notes form the fundamental pentatonic scale of the Chinese music tradition, which are gōng 宫 (do), shāng 商 (re), jué 角 (mi), zhǐ 徵 (so) and yǔ 羽 (la).

Image 1: The pentatonic scale (CDEGA) commonly used in traditional Chinese music 

The concept of , which consists of 12 tones that make up the chromatic series had long been used in ceremonial rituals ever since the Shang-Zhou era (circa 1766-256 B.C.) in ancient China, with the fundamental note 黄钟 (huangzhong, just like the C in today’s standard chromatic scale).4  However, a tuning problem occurred. In the traditional Chinese music theory literature, such problem is referred to as “the huangzhong cannot be restored –  if one tunes the 12 notes of the chromatic scale in perfect fifths, the 13th note relative to the fundamental note, which is supposed to be an exact octave higher than the fundamental note, is actually a bit higher than expected. Similarly, there exists an ancient  Greek counterpart to the tuning problem, commonly referred to as the “Pythogorean comma” of the Pythogorean tuning system.

 The “huangzhong cannot be restored” problem, or the “Pythogorean comma,” was not resolved until the establishment of a new tuning system, the 12-tone equal temperament. The equal temperament tuning system is constructed via dividing an octave into 12 equal parts, each corresponding to a note in the chromatic scale using the 21/12 specific ratio defined using the notion of irrationality. In other words, the system can not do without the discovery of irrational numbers. Such an advancement in mathematics was made almost simultaneously in the East and the West, as with the emergence of the equal temperament system. 

In the history of Chinese music theory literature, Zhu Zaiyu was the first person to come up with an exact mathematical formula that gives the system of 12 equally tempered tones, approximately around 1581.5 Zhu Zaiyu (1536-1611) was a Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) Chinese scholar, musician, and poet. His areas of research included mathematics, astronomy, metrology, music theory, choreography, etc. He also created musical instruments, composed songs, and wrote poems. Born into a noble family, Zhu Zaiyu did not live a privileged life, as his father criticized the emperor, which enraged the emperor who imprisoned Zhu’s father. After his father’s case was redressed and Zhu inherited the title the Prince of Zheng, Zhu continued to live in the mountain ranges and conducted his research in mathematics, physics, music theory, and dance theory. Though Zhu was a prolific scholar and writer, his books were ignored by the emperor as well as the scholarly community at that time. 

The fundamental pitch that generates all the other 11 pitches is referred to as huangzhong in Zhu’s works. Though being the first person in ancient Chinese history to propose a theory that is analogous to today’s equal temperament tuning system, Zhu did not invent the concept of huangzhong. Huangzhong first appeared in its written form in 汉书 (Han Shu) (105), a historical chronology compiled by 班固 (Ban Gu) of the Han Dynasty, which is an expansion on the works by 刘歆 (Liu Xin). On the other hand, according to the legend, the origin of huangzhong can be dated back to 黄帝 (Huang Di), who is deemed as the founding figure of the Chinese civilization. Huang Di sent 伶伦 (Ling Lun) to the mountain ranges within the 昆仑 (Kun Lun). Ling Lun returned with a bamboo that produced the huangzhong pitch, and according to the legend, Ling Lun was inspired by the voice of  凤凰 (Fenghuang), an immortal bird in Chinese mythology. As mentioned earlier, music’s main role in ancient China was to accompany rituals, which were deemed as ways to communicate with the gods. Moreover, the consonant, correctly tuned pitches used in rituals were perceived as the harmonious relationship with the cosmos. Thus, when a new dynasty replaced the old one, the former huangzhong pitch was always replaced by a new pitch, as it was believed that it was the improper music ritual system that partially led to the demise of the former dynasty.6

Zhu’s definition of the huangzhong, on the other hand, is slightly different from his predecessors’. Instead of defining the length of huangzhong as 9 寸 cun, Zhu’s huangzhong is 1 尺 chi (10 cun ~ 255 mm) long. His fixed huangzhong would correspond to today’s concert pitch E5 (650 Hz).7 In his work《律呂精义》, Zhu gives the following formula that defines his 新法密律 (the new law for density rate), or equivalent to its western counterpart, the equal temperament system.

ln+1= 2-1/12ln,

where ln denotes the length of each of the 12 fundamental pitches. The length of the fundamental pitch, huangzhong, is defined as 1 chi. In his book 《乐律全书》, Zhu gives an illustration of the relationship between the 12 pitches via a picture with explanations on the side: “长律下生短律,下生者皆左旋。短律上生长律,上生者皆右旋。(In the descending direction, the higher pitch gives rise to the lower pitch, and the counterclockwise direction of the graph labels the pitches in the descending direction. In the ascending direction, the lower pitch gives rise to the higher pitch, and the clockwise direction of the graph labels the pitches in ascending direction.)”

Image 2: 左旋右旋相生之图 the picture of the generation of pitches through left and right rotation, from 乐律全书》. 

By using this formula, Zhu constructed his instrument  律准, equivalent to a monochord that has 12 strings, each corresponding to a pitch in his 12-pitch system.

Zhu’s 律准, “monochord” from 乐律全书》

Moreover, Zhu constructed pitch pipes in order to apply his formula more accurately. Through constructing pipes that have different diameters,  Zhu defined in total 12 pitches, 36 notes, spanning 3 octaves in his book 《律呂精义》. Moreover, he classified them as the clear tones, the central tones, and the murky tones. A paragraph from 《律呂精义》 in which Zhu elaborates on his understanding of the concept of the clear tones, the central tones, and the murky tones, gives the readers of today a peek into the philosophy behind Zhu’s music system:

十二律皆中声也 […] 夫何为中声耶歌出自然虽髙而不至于揭不起虽低而不至于咽

不出此所謂中声也中声之上則有半律是为清声中声之下则有倍律是为浊声

Translation: The twelve pitches are all central tones… They are regarded as the central tones, as the pitches are neither too high nor too low for the singers to perform. Higher than the central tones are the half pitches called the clear tones. Lower than the central tones are the double pitches called the murky tones.

Zhu was able to define the accurate calculation of the equal temperament system that is the most dominant tuning system used eversince the western classical era compositions and performances till today’s worldwide repertoire. His calculation of the notes were astonishingly accurate—to 24 digits after the decimal point. Moreover, his formula and the definition of 密律 (density ratio), 21/12, is the same ratio used in the equal temperament tuning system developed by Flemish mathematician Simon Stevin around 1600 in his unpublished treatise Van De Spiegheling der singconst (On the Theory of Music) under the section “Arithmetical Division of the Monochord”. 

Zhu Zaiyu’s works were heavily influenced by his uncle 何瑭 He Tang’s work 《乐律管见》. Zhu also worked with his father, whose interest in music influenced him ever since childhood. In his short article introducing his work 《律呂精义》to the emperor, Zhu wrote:

“进献书籍,述家学,成父志,……臣父恭王厚烷存日,颇好律历。其悟性所得,虽与先儒不无异同,而臣愚以为,其义或可补先儒所未发。”

Translation: I hereby offer my book to describe my family’s study and to complete my father’s goal, … my father Zhu Houwan, the King of Gong, is quite interested in the study of musical pitches and calendar. His study of these topics, though is quite similar to his predecessors, I humbly think that his study can supplement the aspects overlooked by his predecessors.

This article marks several important milestones of the development of music systems in ancient China, but the story is far from complete. First of all, the scholars’ attempt to find an underlying law that governs the voices that are considered as music is undeniably important, as constructing a system that builds consensus among people makes the production and communication of music easier. However, a brief review of the history of music laws developed by the ancient Chinese does not present a complete picture of the practice of music in ancient China. Moreover, the readers should note that music in ancient China did not solely exist in the court ceremonies, but also in the daily life rituals as folk music, festivity accompaniment, music for life events like funerals and weddings, etc.


1 Cho, Gene Jinsiong. 2003.”Music and Man,” The discovery of musical equal temperament in China and Europe in the sixteenth century,1-15. Lewiston, NY: Mellen.

2 Ibid.

3 Woo, Shingkwan. “The Ceremonial Music of Zhu Zaiyu.” Doctoral dissertation, The State University of New Jersey, 2017. 73-99.

4 Ibid.

5 Woo, Shingkwan. “The Ceremonial Music of Zhu Zaiyu.” Doctoral dissertation, The State University of New Jersey, 2017. 201-228.

6 Woo, Shingkwan. “The Ceremonial Music of Zhu Zaiyu.” Doctoral dissertation, The State University of New Jersey, 2017.73-99.

7 Woo, Shingkwan. “The Ceremonial Music of Zhu Zaiyu.” Doctoral dissertation, The State University of New Jersey, 2017. 201-228.

Sources

Stanevičiūtė, Rūta, Nick Zangwill, and Rima Povilionienė. 2019. Of essence and context: between music and philosophy. Springer EBooks. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&AN=2149659.

吴鸿雅 Wu, Hongya. 朱载堉新法密率的人文理解研究 [A Study on Zhu Zaiyu’s Density Rate Law ]. Ziran bianzhengfa tongxun 自然辨证法通讯, no.2( 2006).

Zhu, Zaiyu 朱载堉. 《律呂精义》. 人民音乐出版社, 2006.

Zhu, Zaiyu 朱载堉. 《乐律全书》. 电子科技大学出版社,2017.

The Spying Lady Shippen

By Eliza Greenbaum

Peggy Shippen is an enigma. Few people know about the story of the cunning spy who transformed the stereotypes surrounding her ‘weakness’ as a woman into one of her greatest strengths. On April 8th, 1779, at the age of eighteen, Peggy Shippen married Benedict Arnold, the notorious traitor of the Revolutionary War.1 To this day, Peggy fascinates historians. During her life, Peggy was viewed as a helpless ingenue, trapped in a marriage with a viper. She was pitied as a damsel in distress, prone to fainting spells and emotional outbursts. The reality of the situation was quite different. Peggy was a major player in a conspiracy to help the British during the Revolutionary War. She dispatched messages to the British while utilizing the stereotype of women being unstable and ‘hysterical’ to outwit some of the most influential men in the nation, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton. When Benedict’s plans were discovered, Peggy faked hysterics to distract his accusers and help her husband escape. The Lady Shippen was a fascinating woman who deserves more recognition in history.

Peggy Shippen was highly intelligent and heavily involved in the politics of her nation, during a time period when women were criticized for engaging in political activity. She was the wife of Benedict Arnold, an American military general in the Revolutionary War who betrayed the nation with his plot to sell information to the British and surrender Fort West Point.2 When Arnold’s plans were discovered, Peggy was believed to be completely innocent. Hamilton and Washington pitied the damsel in distress, as a victim of her husband’s crimes. Hamilton viewed Arnold’s actions as unforgivable for hurting Peggy. He stated “could I forgive Arnold for sacrificing his honor reputation and duty I could not forgive him for acting a part that must have forfieted the esteem of so fine a woman” (Hamilton).3 However, Peggy was far from a damsel in distress. Scholar Lina Kerber notes that most women at the time operated within a domestic context thought to be divorced from politics: 

Most of the women who furthered the patriots’ military purposes [in the Revolutionary War] did not do so in an institutional context; as cooks, washerwomen, laundresses, private nurses… They did not change their domestic identity (though they put it to a broader service), and they did not seriously challenge the traditional definition of the woman’s domestic domain… The notion that politics was somehow not part of the woman’s domain persisted throughout the war.4

Peggy was a notable exception to the rule. She was an enthusiastic Loyalist and engaged in the politics of her country. When Arnold began corresponding to Peggy he valued her political opinion and was willing to discuss the unladylike topic of politics with her. In a letter from 1778, Arnold wrote to Peggy stating that “the security which liberty and property might obtain under democratic forms of government, or of the possibility of successful resistance by arms to the mighty power of England, they might well be pardoned for hesitation to embark in a struggle which, should it end in defeat, might be followed by severe oppression.”5 The letter was written months before Arnold and Peggy’s marriage, highlighting the importance of politics in their relationship. Only a month after his marriage to his wife, Arnold switched his allegiance to the British. There were multiple factors involved with Arnold’s decision to switch allegiances. Arnold believed he was not given enough recognition in the war and required money with his mounting debt.6 However, Arnold’s marriage to Peggy also likely played a role in his shift to traitor. Peggy was certainly not an innocent ingenue, entrapped by the crimes of her husband. Instead, Peggy and Benedict were partners in crime, both involved in treachery.

Peggy Shippen soon proved willing to get her hands dirty with treason. She was friends with John Andre, a major in the British Army.  In August 1779, shortly after her marriage to Arnold, Peggy received a letter from Andre. The letter reads: 

“It would make me very happy to become useful to you here. You know the Mesquianza has made me a complete milliner. Should you not have received supplies for your fullest equipment from that department, I shall be glad to enter into the whole detail of cap-wire, needles, gauze, etc., and, to the best of my abilities, render you in these trifle services which I hope you would infer a zeal to be further employed.”7 

At first glance, the letter appears dull with the focus on “needles, gauze, etc.” However, this was the first letter Andre had written to Peggy in a year. The letter is ambiguous with its intentions, yet statements such as “I hope you would infer a zeal to be further employed” and “it would make me very happy to become useful to you here” hint at hidden intentions. Soon afterward, Peggy and Arnold began sending military information to Andre. Peggy was no bystander. She actively conspired with her husband, cultivating a contact to act as a messenger for the letters. Peggy utilized Joseph Stansbury, a china and furniture dealer who was helping her decorate her home and eager to assist in treachery. Stansbury delivered the messages to Andre at the British Headquarters of New York City, where Stansbury typically went on shopping trips.8 Peggy’s letters to Andre through Stansbury had previously been harmless messages between friends.9 The letters were soon filled with treasonous information coded to the British.10

Lady Shippen was the last person anyone would ever suspect of treachery. However, she was an active member of the plot to betray Washington and the American troops. Peggy and her husband worked together to decode and encode the messages, by using a cipher written in invisible ink that was only readable when rinsed with acid or lemon juice.11 Andre and Arnold decided to smuggle the letters, using the guise of Peggy writing to her friends. Andre wrote in a letter to Stansbury on May 10, 1779, “in general information, as to the complexion of Affairs / an Old Woman’s health may be the subject. / The Lady might write to me at the same time / with one of her intimates.”12 The decision to use the guise of Peggy writing to her friends suggests that Andre, Arnold, and Peggy believed nobody would care to read the letters between female friends or bother examining the details of an older woman’s health. This assumption emphasizes how the group utilized the societal underestimation of women to hide the ‘unladylike’ crime of treason.

Moreover, Peggy was more than a side partner in the conspiracy. She actively participated in negotiations between Arnold and the British. In October 1779, when the British failed to meet the terms of payment for Arnold dispatching information to the British, Peggy sent a letter in code to continue the negotiations. The letter stated, “Mrs. Moore [Arnold’s code name] requests the enclosed list of articles for her own use may be procured for her and the account of them and the former [orders] sent and she will pay for the whole with thanks.”13 The letter requested items that had absolutely nothing to do with treason such as cloth, spurs, and pink ribbon. However, the list of items was intended as a code to inform Andre and the British that Arnold had stated his price. Peggy’s role in sending the letter maintained the negotiations between the two men and proved that she was fully involved in the conspiracy.14

Peggy Shippen’s actions prove how she took advantage of her role as a woman in the eighteenth century to maintain a facade of innocence while assisting in one of the most traitorous episodes in American history. Peggy Shippen was underestimated as a woman with her emotions treated as a weakness and viewed as too “frail” to be capable of treason. During Peggy’s youth, multiple members of her family were captured by the British, which created a large amount of anxiety in the Shippen family. All of “these constantly recurring scenes of anxiety and danger developed in Peggy Shippen a susceptibility to fainting spells… which continued all through her life.”15 Peggy was prone to highly emotional outbursts, often fainting afterward. She was viewed as “hysterical” and unable to contain her emotions. Peggy was heavily underestimated because she fit the stereotype of the “hysterical” woman. Women were heavily associated with “hysteria” and emotional instability throughout the eighteenth century. According to the author Heather Meek, 

[In the eighteenth century] the continued use of terms such as, ‘hysteria’(which derives from the Greek for ‘belonging to the womb’)… suggested that, even though hysteria was beginning to be understood through new mechanical and nervous models of the body, metaphors of wandering wombs, corrupt menstrual blood, and disease uteri lingered. Doctors in particular insisted on using the term ‘hysteria’ for female patients, and they promoted notions of women’s inherent hysterical inclinations and deficient physiology.16 

Peggy was believed to fit the socially constructed notion of the “hysterical” woman with her emotional outbursts and fainting spells. Therefore, Peggy also may have taken advantage of people’s perception of her as a mentally unstable woman.  For example, Peggy’s emotional outbursts successfully convinced her father to allow her to marry Arnold. Mr. Shippen was originally opposed to the marriage due to “rumors about Arnold’s unsavory business dealings and arrogant behavior. Peggy, nevertheless, insisted on the marriage and…wept endlessly, took to her bed, and refused to eat or drink until she became ill. The judge [Mr. Shippen] assented.”17 Peggy may have struggled with her mental health, as demonstrated by her emotional outbursts and fainting spells, yet it appears she also exaggerated her “hysteria” in order to appear unsuspicious and influence those around her.

Peggy Shippen was a figure of contradiction, sometimes praised as a clever spy and other times criticized as a foolish woman. Peggy was certainly a shrewdly intelligent woman with an eye for politics. However, she was also very young during the conspiracy, marrying Arnold at the age of eighteen, and often regarded as frail due to her emotional instability. Colonel Richard Varick once stated, “she [Peggy] would give utterance to anything and everything in her mind,” and he decided “to be scrupulous of what we told her or said within her bearing.”18 The quote is ironic, seeing as Peggy was currently hiding treason from the nation. Varrick’s statement also acts as a reminder of how Peggy was looked down upon as a woman in the eighteenth century. Nevertheless, Peggy was highly influential in a time period when women had few opportunities. In widowhood, Peggy proved herself more financially efficient than her husband, despite having limited experience in finance. Following his death, Arnold left behind significant debt which Peggy paid off through investing in Canadian property. In a letter, she proudly stated, “I believe I may without vanity say there are few women that could have so far conquered as I have done.”19 Although Peggy was often perceived as inept or foolish, in reality, she was extraordinarily bright and successfully manipulated the stereotypes surrounding femininity to her advantage.

As shown, Peggy utilized the societal perceptions surrounding women as “incapable” and “hysterical” to appear blameless despite her not-so-innocent role as a spy. However, Peggy’s double life quickly came to an end with the capture of Andre. On September 23, 1780, three Westminster militiamen discovered papers in Andre’s boots revealing the plot to capture West Point with Arnold. Andre was eventually executed.20 On September 25th, Arnold received a letter announcing Andre’s capture and impending execution. The letter arrived on the morning Arnold was expected to host breakfast for Washington and his party.21 Arnold swiftly fled the house, leaving Peggy alone to distract Washington and his men. Peggy was completely up to the task. She raved, sobbed, and even accused Washington of attempting to murder her child. Hamilton, a member of Washington’s party, wrote that Peggy

For a considerable time entirely lost her senses. The General went up to see her and she upbraided him with being in a plot to murder her child; one moment she raved; another she melted into tears; sometimes she pressed her infant to her bosom and lamented its fate occasioned by the imprudence of its father in a manner that would have pierced insensibility itself.22

Washington and his men watched Peggy’s display with pity, believing she had lost her senses from learning of her husband’s betrayal. The spy easily outwitted some of the most powerful figures from American history, such as Washington and Hamilton, by faking a sense of helplessness. Hamilton mentioned “​​her [Peggy’s] sufferings were so eloquent that I wished myself her brother, to have a right to become her defender. As it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give her proofs of my friendship.”23 Hamilton’s desire to defend Peggy emphasizes the perception of Peggy as helpless and needing to be protected. However, Peggy was a far cry from the weak wife that Washington’s men assumed her to be. The “innocent” Lady Shippen manipulated the stereotypes surrounding women as overly emotional to protect her husband even in the face of danger. She was certainly not helpless.

Peggy Shippen is proof that one should never judge a book by the cover. She demonstrated that a “respectable lady” and wife could also be living a double life as a spy involved in treason. Peggy utilized the generalization surrounding women as deeply emotional and uninvolved in politics to spy for the enemy through letters, overflowing with feminine coding that nobody would care to read. She was a cunning schemer who successfully outsmarted the most powerful men of the nation by playing into the trope of the “hysterical” woman. She was far more than the wife of an infamous traitor. Peggy Shippen should not be viewed as a side note to the stories of her husband but remembered instead as one of the most notorious traitors in American history who managed to transcend gender norms by shifting the stereotyping of women as weak into one of her greatest strengths.


1 Peggy Shippen. (Biography, Political Figure Newsletter, 2015).

2 Benedict Arnold. (History Newsletter, American Revolution, A&E Television Networks, 2009).

3 From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler, 25 September 1780 (Founders Online, National Archives). Date Accessed February 13th, 2022. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-02-02-0869

4 Linda Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (The University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 73,74.

5 Benedict Arnold to Peggy Shippen, Letters and Papers Relating to Chiefly to the Principal History of Pennsylvania With Some Notices of Writers. (All Digital Collections, Making of America Books), Date Accessed February 17th, 2022. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=moa&cc=moa&view=text&rgn=main&idno=AFK3977.0001.001

6 From Hero to Traitor: Benedict Arnold’s Day of Infamy. (Constitution Center, NCC Staff, September 21, 2021), Date Accessed February 15th, 2022. 

https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/from-hero-to-traitor-benedict-arnolds-day-of-infamy

7 John Andre as quoted in James Parton. Daughters of Genius: A Series of Sketches of Authors, Artists, Reformers, and Heroines (The University of Michigan Libraries, 2011),201.

8 Willard Sterne Randall, Mrs. Benedict Arnold (History Net, MHQ). Date Accessed February 16th, 2022. https://www.historynet.com/mrs-benedict-arnold/

9 Willard Sterne Randall, Mrs. Benedict Arnold.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 John André Letter to Joseph Stansbury, May 10, 1779 (Henry Clinton Papers. William L. Clements Library. University of Michigan).

13 Willard Sterne Randall, Mrs. Benedict Arnold.

14 Ibid.

15 Lewis Burd Walker, Edward Shippen, and B. Franks, Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold (Continued) (The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1900), 416.

16 Gordon S. Wood and Peter Shaw, Histrionics and Hysteria in the American Revolution (Johns Hopkins University Press. Vol. 9, 1981), 176 and 177.

17 Nancy Rubin Stuart. Traitor Bride, (American History, Weider History Group), 44.

18 Colonel Varrick as quoted in  Nancy Rubin Stuart, Traitor Bride (American History. Weider History Group), 46.

19 Notes and Documents: The Widowhood of Margaret Shippen Arnold (The Pennsylvania Museum of History and Biographies), 226.

20 T.K Bryon, John Andre (Washington Library, Digital Encyclopedia, Center for Digital History). Date Accessed February 15th, https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/john-andre/

21 Life Story: Margaret “Peggy” Shippen Arnold (1760-1803) (Women in the American History Society, New York Historical Society, Museum and Library).

22 Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler, 1780 (National Archives).

23 Ibid.

Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh’s Biography

By Dan-Ha Le

Vietnamese women have traditionally been fiercely whole-hearted participants of revolutionary efforts against the French colonization, the South Vietnamese Regular Army, and the American military. The Vietnamese Women’s Union firmly believed that the liberation of women goes hand-in-hand with the liberation of the country. The biography below details the early life, career, contributions, and historical significance of Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh, one of many notable female revolutionaries.

(Notice: In Vietnamese and many other East Asian cultures, the surname precedes the given names)

Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh was born in Saigon on May 26, 1927 into a family of revolutionaries. Her grandfather was Phan Chau-Trinh, legendary Nationalist leader, and her father was a civil servant turned civil resistance worker after her mother’s death. The French effort to reoccupy Vietnam, primarily funded by the United States, marked the start of the Indochina War in 1946. In 1948, Nguyen Thi-Binh joined the Communist Party in defiance of colonial rule.[1]

With her strong educational background and fluency in French, Nguyen Thi-Binh became a teacher during her early career and led the first anti – ‘foreign involvement in Vietnam’ demonstration in 1950.[2] Consequently, she was arrested and imprisoned by French authorities from 1951 to 1953. During her time in confinement, Nguyen Thi-Binh came across “hundreds and hundreds of women with [her] who did not even know why they were there. They asked, ‘What have we done?’ They did not know when they came but when they left, they knew. They left as patriots.”[3]

After Ho Chi Minh’s Viet-Minh army claimed their victory at the decisive Battle of Dien Bien Phu, the French rule came to an end and Nguyen Thi-Binh, along with her female comrades, was released from prison in 1954.[4] The country was divided into two: Ho Chi Minh’s Northern Vietnam and US-backed South Vietnam. The South Vietnam government later installed Ngo Dinh Diem as their president, and he was adverse to both the communist North and Viet-Minh’s sympathizers in the South.[5] Nguyen Thi-Binh and her husband at the time worked for the underground opposition against president Diem. [6]

From 1963 to 1966, Nguyen Thi-Binh became a Council Member of the Union of Women for the Liberation of South Vietnam, which recruited peasant women to join the resistance force.[7] She then became a member of the National Liberation Front (NLF)’s Central Committee.[8] Before official peace talks at Paris, Nguyen Thi-Binh made many efforts to gather international support and spread awareness far and wide about the message of NLF and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, visiting not only India, but also other parts of Africa and Europe. During the mid-1960s, Nguyen Thi-Binh never shied away from offering interviews to international press, and in the West, she became the representative and symbol of the NLF (Reporters warmly regarded her as “Madame Binh”). In 1968, Nguyen Thi-Binh was appointed Foreign Minister of the NLF’s Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam (PRG), an independent shadow government, and led its delegation to Paris to attend the Peace Conference.[9]

Since its establishment in 1919 after World War I, the Paris Peace Conferences historically excluded women from its roundtable.[10] However, Nguyen Thi-Binh, with her iron-clad convictions and fluency in French, refused to be overshadowed by the male-dominated dialogues and asserted her presence during the entire process of negotiation. Nguyen Thi-Binh was not hesitant to challenge the Kissinger-Le Duc Tho agreements in which she found inadequate, such as issues around prisoners-of-war. She strongly advocated for coupling the freedom of South Vietnamese political prisoners with the release of American prisoners of war. Nguyen Thi-Binh became the only woman to sign the Paris Peace Accord in 1973, ‘officially’ ending the Vietnam War.[11]

“Her statement at the talks have been as unswerving as her dark, expressionless eyes with while she has faced three United States negotiators, enunciating as she did yesterday, terms for a peace settlement.”[12]

After the war ended, the Communist Party started to restructure its personnel within the government. Many members of the NLF were either annulled or given moot roles, and speculations were high around Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh being replaced by a male colleague.[13] Furthermore, Nguyen Thi-Binh being such a charismatic and well-publicized character goes against Communist ideals of non-individuality.[14] However, she continued to hold influential positions in Vietnamese politics. From 1982-1986, Nguyen Thi-Binh was appointed Minister of Education, the first female minister in Vietnam’s history. From 1987-1992, she was a member of the Central Committee of Vietnam’s Communist Party. Most notably, Congress elected Nguyen Thi-Binh to be the Vice President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam two consecutive terms: 1992-1997 and 1977-2002.[15]

Throughout her life, Nguyen Thi-Binh is relentless in upholding the importance of Vietnam’s independence and autonomy. Her political life and contributions challenge the stereotypes of women being docile negotiators and passive participants in war and peace-making. Even after retiring, Madame Binh is actively involved in advocating for post-war reparations, specifically against Agent Orange and its remnants on Vietnamese soil

“Like many other countries, my country, Vietnam, has lived through long years of wars which have ravaged this already-poor land and left behind millions of orphans, widows, disabled and missing-in-action. Vietnamese women. as part of their nation have been tested by harsh trials and countless hardships. They have derived therefrom their exceptional endurance and tenacity, their ability to survive and to persist in their full identity through the storms of life, just like the Vietnamese bamboo tree, which is supple but unbreakable, which bends under the wind but does not break, and which afterwards, stand again as straight and proud as before.” (Nguyen Thi-Binh, 1995, at the United Nations 4th World Conference in Beijing, China)[16]

“This January 27, 1973 photo depicts the signing of documents at the agreement table during the Paris Peace Accords that turned the page on war in Vietnam, to [begin] the process of peace.”[17]

[1] Jennifer S. Uglow, Frances Hinton, and Maggy Hendry, “The Northeastern Dictionary of Women’s Biography” (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1999), https://archive.org/details/northeasterndict0000uglo.

[2] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[3] New York Times Archive. “Voice of the Vietcong in Paris.” The New York Times, September 18, 1970. https://www.nytimes.com/1970/09/18/archives/voice-of-the-vietcong-in-paris.html.

[4] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[5] Ronald H. Specter, “French Rule Ended, Vietnam Divided,” Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/Vietnam-War/French-rule-ended-Vietnam-divided

[6] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[7] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[8] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[9] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[10] Mona Siegel, “Peacemaking and Women’s rights…a Century in the Making,” London School of Economics, November 18, 2019. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2019/11/18/peacemaking-and-womens-rights-a-century-in-the-making/.

[11] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[12] New York Times Archive. “Voice of the Vietcong in Paris.”

[13]  BBC, “BBC Interviews Madame Nguyen Thi Binh,” BBC, October 13, 2008, https://www.bbc.com/vietnamese/vietnam/story/2008/10/081010_nguyen_thi_binh_interview. (in Vietnamese)

[14] New York Times Archive, “Voice of the Vietcong in Paris.”

[15] Uglow, “Northeastern Dictionary.”

[16] WNN Editors Team, “Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh on the Atrocities of War,” Women News Network, January 7, 2007, https://womennewsnetwork.net/2011/01/07/women-war-vietnam-4989/.

[17] WNN Editors Team, “Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh on the Atrocities of War.”


Sources:

BBC. “BBC Interviews Madame Nguyen Thi Binh.” BBC. October 13, 2008. https://www.bbc.com/vietnamese/vietnam/story/2008/10/081010_nguyen_thi_binh_interview. (in Vietnamese)

New York Times Archive. “Voice of the Vietcong in Paris.” The New York Times. September 18, 1970. https://www.nytimes.com/1970/09/18/archives/voice-of-the-vietcong-in-paris.html.

Uglow, Jennifer S; Hinton, Frances; Hendry, Maggy. “The Northeastern Dictionary of Women’s Biography”. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1999. https://archive.org/details/northeasterndict0000uglo.

Specter, Ronald H. “French Rule Ended, Vietnam Divided”. Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/Vietnam-War/French-rule-ended-Vietnam-divided.

Siegel, Mona. “Peacemaking and Women’s rights…a Century in the Making.” London School of Economics. November 18, 2019. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2019/11/18/peacemaking-and-womens-rights-a-century-in-the-making/

WNN Editors Team. “Madame Nguyen Thi-Binh on the Atrocities of War.” Women News Network. January 7, 2007. https://womennewsnetwork.net/2011/01/07/women-war-vietnam-4989/.

Seeing the City: Cleveland Museum of Art as Urban Education

By Jerry Shang

Museums occupy a contradictory space in our contemporary society: while they are continuously upheld as an authoritative educational institution that imparts objective truth to their visitors, people also increasingly point to their colonial legacy and see them as contributing to the larger structural inequalities of racism, sexism, and classism. Museum critiques emerge in this context to offer critical examinations in the ways museums explicitly and implicitly perpetuate social inequalities and to imagine new ways in which museums could expand their accessibility and become democratic spaces for cultural and knowledge production. Tony Bennett, a sociologist on the roles museums play in societies, offers much of the basis for these critiques. In his discussion on the birth of the modern museums, he embeds the institutionalization of museums within the context of a variety of urban reform movements.1 From model towns, to department stores, to public festival grounds, Bennett argues that the modern museum shared with these other sites a reformatory and disciplinary impulse to forge a cultivated, moral, urban citizenry through the implicit power of high art, architecture, and mutual surveillance. 

This essay builds on Bennett’s argument and uses the Cleveland Museum of Art as a case study to show how art museums are employed to shape a distinctly urban consciousness within its visitors. It argues that one implicit programming underlying the Cleveland Museum of Art is an effort to educate visitors on how to navigate the modern cities through both an aesthetic and critical lens that allow them to simultaneously appreciate the city as a manifestation of historical progress as well as to be critical of its social contradictions and inequalities. However, as its analysis on “Ashcan School Prints and the American City 1900~1940” exhibit shows despite the museum’s portrayal of itself as an institution critical of social and racial inequalities, such critiques lack political and social forces and instead are framed as a celebration of a detached individualism beyond the conformism of the urban masses. 

The project to instill within visitors an appreciation for urban culture and progress, as well as to limit the kinds of visitors who can take part in such narratives started with the architecture of the museum. Situated in the University Circle, the Cleveland Museum of Art constitutes an eclectic assemblage of different architectural styles that combines the original 1916 neoclassical structure with later renovations.2 The northern entrance through which visitors enter today was built in 1971 and resembles modernist architecture with its plain granite façade and its stress on angular lines.3 Starting in 2005, another major renovation project linked the original 1916 structure with the 1971 extension by creating a central atrium domed over by a glass ceiling.4 The project also redesigned the East and West wings of the museum, which now include glass boxes and open balconies on both sides. Despite the heterogeneous architectural designs, both the neoclassical and the modernist styles represented at various points in history an ideal vision of urban progress. On one side, the imposing southern facade of the museum harks back to Ancient Greece’s ideal of the polis. As the foundation for later renovations, the 1916 neoclassical structure anchors the many transformations of the museum and its surroundings within a long history of urban development ever since antiquity. On the other side, the horizontally expansive and no less imposing northern façade points to a history of urban renewal where modernist architecture was employed to create a more rational city rooted in technological and artistic progress. 

The architecture of the museum further celebrates the indispensable role high art played on urban development throughout history. The changing architectural style becomes both a testament to the constant reinvention of the modern city and a documentation of the art museum’s commitment to serve as a cultural leader in urban development. However, by reproducing the narrative of urban progress in its architecture, the grand institutional scale of the museum also becomes a site of exclusion and alienation. It privileges visitors who benefit from or are the elite drivers of urban modernization at the cost of those who are displaced and dispossessed by such grandiose claims of development. Despite the museum’s free entrance, the architecture serves as a preliminary site of exclusion that limits the kinds of visitors who can participate in the transformative urban experiences offered by the museum. 

The guiding map of the museum and the newly built glass boxes and balconies in both the East and the West wings further showcase the reformatory goal of the museum architecture in inspiring new urban sensibilities.5 On the frontpage of the maps is a carefully framed photo of the museum. In the photo, the very eclecticism of the museum architecture is highlighted: the modernist granite façade serves as the base on which the 2005 glass constructions overlaps with the 1916 building with its white marble façade and antiquity-inspired columns. This technique of overlapping is often used in arts depicting the cityscape to recreate the dense urban atmosphere.6 By consciously portraying the museum’s architecture in a way that mirrors the aesthetic portrayal of the city, the map invites visitors to tie their visual experiences of the museum to the larger urban world. Built at different times and drawn from a variety of architectural languages, the museum reflects the constantly changing and heterogeneous cityscape. However, rather than degenerating into a “mish-mashing disorder,” the orderliness of the photo on the map encourages visitors to rationalize the museum, and by extension, the cityscape through an aesthetic lens that unites different architectural styles into a coherent narrative of urban modernity. This goal is further facilitated by the glass boxes and balconies in the East and West wings. Dissolving the boundary between the museum and its surroundings, the glass boxes allow visitors to view artworks, in both cases sculptures, in the background of the University Circle. Such transparency challenges the traditional definition of art as simply those objects contained within the museum and encourages viewers to see their urban surroundings as itself a form of art deserving of observation and appreciation. The architecture of the museum constitutes an educational programme aiming to ingrain within the visitors an aesthetic appreciation of urban modernity and progress.

Beyond the exterior and interior designs, the museum also uses its exhibitions as a site that allows visitors to both aesthetically and critically engage with the social, cultural, and architectural consequences of urban modernity. As analysis on the exhibition Ashcan School Prints and the American City 1900~1940 seeks to show, the focus on the exhibition’s aesthetic value at times jeopardizes its critical potential. One such contradiction lies in its display style. The exhibition wishes to imitate the fast-moving and distracting New York everyday lives at a time of rapid urbanization. However, by imposing an organizational scheme that highlights each piece’s artistic merit, the museum also makes sure that the audience would not be drawn into the vortex of emotions and ideologies that these images could potentially convey and instead limits the viewers’ engagement with these pieces to one of aesthetic appreciation at a distance. Compared to the spacious arrangement of fine arts in other galleries, the prints presented in this exhibition cram more tightly together, sometimes with one piece of art hanging above another. The relatively cramped space along with their print media reflects the experiences of modern cities where different visual stimuli compete for people’s attention and where popular media, such as newspapers, billboards, or magazines, presents a great variety of social, political, and cultural information that at times threatens to become overwhelming. However, in the stabilizing space of the museum exhibition such tightness does not give in to chaos. The grayish color of the background wall, the black and white frame, and the evenly illuminated prints all serve to remind the viewers that these prints should be viewed within a museum context as individual artworks whose artistic merits deserve to be detailedly yet detachedly examined. From the display style, the exhibition betrays an ambivalence on the ways in which the viewers should approach these prints: should the viewers be engaged in an immersive experience that situates them temporarily in the midst of 20th century New York life? Or should the viewers be connoisseurs who view the arts stoically and aesthetically?

One can similarly see such a contradiction between critical engagement and aesthetic detachment in the text panel of each work. The introductory panel of the exhibitions encourages viewers to use the exhibition to “recognize some of the social and economic tensions that persist in America’s cities even today.”7 Rather than seeing these artworks as  simply an artistic heritage of “a bygone era,” the exhibition consciously tries to use these prints to offer the visitors a critical lens through which they can examine and critique the inherent inequalities in present day urban modernity.8 However, the word “even” reinforces a narrative of progress that urban inequalities today are an exception rather than the rule. The introductory panel thereby reveals the museum’s attempt to both invite social and political critiques and to contain their radical potentials by stressing the progressive nature of the status quo. 

Furthermore, by juxtaposing art that depicts contradictory urban scenes, the exhibit offers a critical yet guided narrative on modern urban life that reveals the cost of technological progress. Depictions of urban parks and skyscrapers are set alongside depictions of industrial landscapes and poverty. Scenes of nighttime excursions hang right next to scenes of workers’ mobilization in the wake of the Great Depression. Such juxtaposition presents the rising gap of social inequalities in visual terms and recreates the spatial proximity between the privileged and the less privileged in urban spaces. However, such a critical approach is also limited. Among the text panels, there is a tendency to highlight arts that conferred individuality to its characters over arts that depicted urban masses. One such example is the text panel for Raphael Soyer’s “Bowery Nocturne” (1933), which emphasizes how “though nameless and ordinary, each man is carefully differentiated by clothing, hat, facial features, action, and expression to indicate his individuality.”9 Compared to some other text panels which tend to be more descriptive than analytical, this quotation implies how aesthetic merits are to a degree linked to the art’s ability to visualize individualism. This selective celebration of individualism, both in terms of the subject matter of art and in terms of the artists’ individual merit, challenges the exhibits’ critical approach which very much depends on reflecting general social trends and putting individual artworks into conversation with each other. 

Nothing exemplifies the museum’s celebration of individualism and aesthetic cultivation and its direct critique on the conformist tendencies of its visitors more than its discussion on John Sloan’s artwork “Copyist at the Metropolitan Museum” (1908). Depicting an art exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum, the print becomes a mirror for the Cleveland Museum of Art itself. By including it in this exhibition on the American city, the museum curators affirm the centrality of museums in modern urban life. However, it also becomes a parody on the very institution of art museums. The text panel claims how the artwork satirizes “the aura that surrounded some art objects, artists, and collectors” and “may express amusement at the common phenomenon of spectators taking interest in a painting only when it is admired by others.”10 The word “may” suggests that the text only represents one interpretation among others. However, by privileging this particular interpretation, which challenges the viewers to reflect on their own behaviors and experiences within the museum, it becomes clear how the museum sees itself as cultivating aesthetic tastes and fostering individualism among its visitors so that they can face a distracting modern urban world without being swept away by its constant transformations or by the conformist masses.

If the relationship between art museums and municipal governments is often seen as one of economic mutual benefit, this essay wishes to show how the relationship between the cities and the museums run far deeper than the economic. Art museums can teach their visitors how to approach the city with its heterogeneous built environment and its overwhelming visual culture. Museums can both affirm a triumphalist narrative of urban development and reveal the inequalities that structure such narratives of progress. Focusing on the eclectic architecture of the Cleveland Museum of Art and its exhibition on Ashcan School’s depictions of American cities, this essay argues that the aesthetical programme of art museums and its emphasis on individualism at times hinder their ability to make critical claims on the city, which entail both the formation of collectivist movements and a passionate use of art as a medium for social and political messages. 

 [1] Tony Bennett, “The Formation of the Museum” in The Birth of the Museum (Routledge, 1995), 17-58.

[2] Cleveland Museum of Art: Encyclopedia of Cleveland history: Case western reserve university. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History | Case Western Reserve University. (2019, November 18). Retrieved November 5, 2021, from https://case.edu/ech/articles/c/cleveland-museum-art.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] The guiding maps are available in nine different languages, these maps are both necessary accessibility tools and a symbolic self-promotion on the museum’s part of its international orientation and the diversity of its audience, not unlike some cities’ self-congratulation of themselves as sites of global connections and diversity.

[6] Tony Cornbill, Urban Photography, (London: Octopus Publishing Group, 2019)

[7] Wall text, Ashcan School Prints and the American City 1900~1940, Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Wall text, “Bowery Nocturne”, Ashcan School Prints and the American City 1900~1940, Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland.

[10] Wall text, “Copyist at the Metropolitan Museum”, Ashcan School Prints and the American City 1900~1940, Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland.

Works Cited   

  • Bennett, Tony. “The Formation of the Museum” in The Birth of the Museum. Routledge, 1995, 17-58.
  • Cleveland Museum of Art: Encyclopedia of Cleveland history: Case western reserve university. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History | Case Western Reserve University. (2019, November 18). Retrieved November 5, 2021, from https://case.edu/ech/articles/c/cleveland-museum-art.
  • Cornbill, Tony. Urban Photography. London: Octopus Publishing Group, 2019. 
  • Wall text, Ashcan School Prints and the American City 1900~1940, Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland.

Temporality and the “Nuclear Uncanny”[1] in Atomic Bomb Literature and Poetry

By Meredith Warden

After the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki on August 6, 1945, and August 9, 1945, respectively, atomic bomb survivors, or hibakusha, almost immediately began writing down their experiences. While genbaku bungaku is an established genre in Japan that focuses on the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it is also “a literature of the nuclear age” in that its works speak to the specific experiences of Japanese hibakusha, to global hibakusha, and to what it means for all of humanity to live in an atomic age.[2] In this paper, I am looking at both prose and poetry within this genre, as well as other poetry in the anthology Atomic Ghost, which was created during and in the wake of global antinuclear protests.

While much has been written about atomic bomb literature, few have explicitly considered how this genre evokes a sense of uncanniness that unsettles linear temporalities around the atomic bomb and what it means to be a hibakusha. When one looks for it, this sense of nonlinear time and the “nuclear uncanny”—or “the material effects, psychic tension, and sensory confusion produced by nuclear weapons and radioactive material”—is everywhere within genbaku bungaku.[3]After all, these nonlinear framings of the atomic bombs make sense: the bombs unsettled familiar places and people, and, in doing so, often disrupted survivors’ perceptions of time. Much in the way other atrocities have muddled the chronology of witnesses, participants, and victims,[4] the experiences of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings thus provoked feelings of unease and the nuclear uncanny, or “psychic slippage,” that clouded the usually linear perception of time.[5] Indeed, some have even argued Hiroshima is “engaged by a ‘plastic structure of thought’…[and] ‘temporal plasticity,’ a time wholly without direction.”[6] By delving into the nuclear uncanniness and unease present in atomic bomb literature and poetry, this paper will explore how these unsettled temporalities reflect a unique chronology within atomic bomb literature that undermines more linear narratives of the atomic bomb. I will argue that genbaku bungaku and atomic bomb poetry frequently employ a concept of the nonlinear ‘nuclear uncanny’ to reflect a sense of unease before the atomic bombings, the unsettled and surreal moments during and directly after the bombings, and the present uncanniness of living after 1945 and in the atomic age. I will also situate this argument within contrasting dominant national narratives that frame the atomic bombs within linear timelines.

To understand nonlinear nuclear uncanniness within atomic bomb literature and poetry, we first need to consider how dominant national discourses often utilize linear, progress-centered narratives that either laud the bomb as a human feat of scientific achievement or portray the horrors of the bomb as only in the past and divorced from the present and future. In the U.S. the atomic bombings are commonly portrayed in a “triumphal” way that centers the supposed technological and scientific feat of developing and using the nuclear weapons.[7] In this viewpoint, the atomic bomb is the culmination of a linear increase in scientific innovation of weaponry, beginning in WWI but primarily focused on WWII’s increased “strategic bombing” of cities to win the ‘total war.’[8] Strategic bombing set a precedent that encouraged the linear narrative of scientific achievement during wartime, as “technological fanaticism” allowed both scientists and the government to view and frame the development of the atomic bomb as the culmination of scientific innovation related to air warfare.[9] Indeed, one Los Alamos scientist notes that “the machinery caught us in its trap,” and another indicates that many at LANL viewed the bomb as the linear continuation of strategic bombing: “From our point of view…the atomic bomb was not a discontinuity. We were just carrying on with more of the same…We had already destroyed sixty-six [cities], what’s two more?”[10] Various museums in the U.S. also uphold this dominant linear narrative of scientific achievement. The Smithsonian incident—in which the museum received backlash about including information on the “human consequences of the bomb” and instead decided to only include “the fuselage of the Enola Gay as the centerpiece of the exhibition”—shows how this museum chooses to uphold the heroic narrative that portrays the atomic bombs and related machinery as a pinnacle of linear scientific achievement.[11] Likewise, in emphasizing the scientific work done at Los Alamos National Laboratory and repeatedly noting that, today, “Los Alamos National Laboratory is one of the world’s largest multidisciplinary research institutions,” the Bradbury Science Museum centers the linear narrative of “scientific ingenuity of creating the first atomic bomb, the progress made in nuclear research, and the importance of securing and defending the nation.”[12] Thus, both contemporary narratives of the atomic bomb and historical memory narratives in the U.S. frequently frame the atomic bombs and the bombings themselves as the linear culmination of scientific innovation.

Although dominant narratives of the atomic bomb in Japan are quite different from the U.S.’s, common framings of Hiroshima still uphold a linear narrative that frames nuclear weapons as solely in the past and Hiroshima as a ‘bright, modern’ city. For example, the reconstruction of Hiroshima involved “the clearing away of physical reminders of the war and atomic destruction, and the redefining of memories through spatial and temporal containment.”[13] One instance of this ‘temporal containment’ is the preservation of the A-bomb Dome. Lisa Yoneyama asserts that this Dome is ‘artificially preserved’ in a state of ruin that situates the building in an “ahistorical and almost naturalized past”; that is, the Dome is contained within a static past, distanced from the present day.[14] When further contrasted with “its background scenery, a magnificently received urban space [that] assures people of today’s peaceful, prosperous, and clean world,” the Dome creates the sense that the atomic bombs and the horrors of August 6, 1945 are solely in the past, and that Hiroshima has successfully recovered from the atomic bombs in a linear movement from a “‘dark’ past” to a “bright and cheerful” present.[15] The A-bomb Dome thus exemplifies how one dominant Japanese narrative embraces a “temporal ideology” centering on an “obsession with the future, with moving forward” that reduces the “‘ghastliness of the atomic bomb’…to an object in need of being ‘recorded’” within a linear framework.[16] Thus, just as the U.S. has its own dominant linear narratives surrounding the atomic bombs, so too do dominant Japanese narratives of Hiroshima emphasize a linear chronology through situating sites like the A-bomb Dome in the past and juxtaposed against a ‘reborn’ city.

In contrast to both the linear narrative of the atomic bomb as the pinnacle of air warfare and scientific achievement and the linear narrative of Hiroshima as a ‘bright’ and modern city in which the threat of nuclear weapons is solely in the past, atomic bomb literature and poetry frequently embody ideas of the ‘nuclear uncanny’ that show how the nonlinear experiences of the atomic bomb and hibakusha experiences—and the experiences of others living in this atomic age—resonant in the past, present, and future. One example of genbaku bungaku that demonstrates the unease and felt nuclear uncanny before the U.S. dropped the atomic bomb is Hara Tamiki’s “Prelude to Annihilation.” The first sense the reader gets of this uneasiness is when Hara (writing in the third person with the designation “Shōzō”) describes visiting his wife’s grave in April—though “the peach trees were in full bloom and the willow leaves were glistening,” Shōzō felt that “something had slipped out of place; things were dreadfully out of joint” and wondered “will I still be alive when [the] new day dawns?”[17] Though these short lines are easy to overlook, they reflect the unease Hara felt in the months before the bomb—or, in another idea that perhaps speaks to the nonlinearity of memory and trauma surrounding hibakusha experiences, the sense of unease Hara remembers feeling months before the bomb. Another moment of beforehand unease comes when Shōzō dreams of being “violently thrown about in a storm and [feeling] himself falling,” and right after describes a bombing that day by saying that “no sooner had the radio reported one plane heading for Hamada…[then] it happened: a string of bombs came raining down on Kamiya-cho [part of Tokyo].”[18] The combination of the violent dream and the real-life bombing of Tokyo reflects both the foreshadowed violence of experiencing the atomic bomb and the current knowledge that other cities were being bombed. Indeed, this passage in particular speaks to “bukimi,” or the “ominous” and “uncanny” feelings many Hiroshima residents described experiencing in the time leading up to the bomb. Those experiencing bukimi had the “impression that their city had been in some way singled out for preservation or annihilation,” and these uneasy feelings of “uncanny frisson,” of simply not knowing what would happen, structured everyday life before the bomb.[19] Hiroshima residents—including Hara, as we see in “Prelude to Annihilation”—were haunted by the nonlinear nuclear uncanniness of bukimi, living within a “conditional space of catastrophe” in which it seemed their city could be preserved or destroyed at any moment in time.[20]

Similarly, Hara’s description of preparing for air bombing in “Prelude to Annihilation” also shows these bukimi-esque feelings of “anticipation” about potential bombings.[21] Hara hauntingly describes preparing for and fleeing from multiple possible bombings in the days before the actual attack:

When the preliminary alert sounded along the coast of Tosa, he would begin to get ready. When the air raid alarm sounded in Kōchi Prefecture and Elina Prefecture, it would be less than ten minutes before a preliminary alert sounded in Hiroshima Prefecture and Yamaguchi Prefecture…by the time the siren sounded for the preliminary alert, he would always be in the entryway with his shoes on.[22]

In describing numerous instances of Hara fleeing possible air attacks, this passage shows how “the horror of the event [the actual bombing] and the horror of the drill in preparation for it” are suspended in a nonlinear experience of routine.[23] Each time Hara flees, he does not actually know whether or not a bomb will drop, and this constant repetition and not knowing essentially collapses the multiple preparations for possible bombs and the actual bomb into one nearly indistinguishable terrible moment. Hara becomes “numb to the everyday threat”: asserting that “the terror had somehow become routine,” he demonstrates how the expectation of an attack and the everyday experience of fleeing from possible attacks creates both a sense of constant terror and a numbing to this terror, as it is simply “hideously prolonged expectation…[and] the advance symptom of a disaster still to come.”[24] In this mindset, Hara thus experiences the nonlinear nuclear uncanny, as “the real war [or bombing] and the rehearsal for war [or bombing] become psychologically indistinct”; that is, his sense of time shifts as multiple false alarms foreshadow yet also, in some ways, become indistinct from the soon-to-come actual bomb.[25]

 While nuclear uncanniness before the bomb can be seen in expressions of bukimi, many pieces of genbaku bungaku and some atomic bomb poetry also express nuclear uncanniness during and directly after the atomic bombs’ explosions, specifically regarding comments about the surrealness of when the bomb hit, being ‘stuck in time,’ and everyday life made strange. As Hara relays in Summer Flowers, the moment the bomb hit was like “something out of the most horrible dream…as the situation around me, though still hazy, began to resolve itself, I soon felt as if I were standing on a stage that had been set for a tragedy. I had surely seen spectacles like this at the movies.”[26] These comments reflect the surreality of that singular moment when the bomb hit and the inability, at least at first, to process the realness of the situation. In describing his feeling that the explosion felt like a ‘dream’ or like a fictional tragic play or movie, Hara demonstrates the uncanniness of that moment in time and suggests that his perception of time, like one’s perception of time in a dream, was altered. Although written by an American non-hibakusha, “The Garden” also mirrors this sense of being stuck in time at the moment the bomb hit:

Imagine you happen to be standing/at the door when you look down, about/to grasp the knob, your fingers/curled toward it…Imagine it happens this quickly, before/you have time to think of anything else;/your kids, your own life, what this will mean…just beginning to twist [the door knob];/and when the window turns white/you are only about to touch it/preparing to open the door.[27]

In repeating the sensory action of being ‘about’ to turn the door knob when the flash occurs, “The Garden” evokes the surreal and uncanny feeling of being ‘stuck in time’ at the moment the bomb exploded—unable, in that split second, to consider what will occur, one’s life, or one’s family. Thus, similar to Hara’s descriptions of the bomb’s explosion as surreal and dreamlike, “The Garden” poem embodies a sense of warped time, of being stuck in a singular moment, that makes up part of the nuclear uncanny right when the atomic bombs exploded.

Moreover, both Hara and Ōta Yōko’s descriptions of familiar, everyday places and people made strange also reflect the nuclear uncanny directly after the bombs. Hara depicts the scene before him as “a new hell”:

everything human had been obliterated…the expressions on the faces of the corpses had been replaced by something..automaton-like…seeing the streetcars, overturned and burned apparently in an instant, and the horses with enormous swollen bellies, one might have thought one was in the world of surrealistic paintings.[28]

Here, Hara demonstrates how the physical place of Hiroshima, once so familiar to him, has suddenly been made so strange and uncanny that he compares the view to surrealistic paintings. In City of Corpses, Ōta also describes a familiar scene made strange, noting, “Each time I had gone to my friend Saeki Ayako’s house, I had been struck by the architectural beauty of the large temple [nearby]…But now it had burned down, and only the frame was left ash-colored and utterly caved in.”[29] Along with the rest of the passage, which continues to describe once-familiar scenes rendered almost unrecognizable, this statement demonstrates how Ōta’s view of bombed Hiroshima refracts her previous, familiar memories of pre-bombed Hiroshima, and thus alters her experience of time as she tries to make sense of the strange and uncanny scene before her. Hara and Ōta’s uncanny moments are indicative of what Avery F. Gordon calls “haunting,” or “those singular yet repetitive instances when home becomes unfamiliar, when your bearings on the world lose direction, when the over-and-done-with comes alive, when what’s been in your blind spot comes into view.”[30] These passages from Summer Flowers and City of Corpses suggest that Hara and Ōta felt this ‘haunting’ in these “encounter[s] in a disenchanted world between familiarity and strangeness,” as the surrealness and strangeness of the once-familiar scenes before them gave them intense feelings of uncanniness and altered “the experience of being in time.”[31]

Lastly, genbaku bungaku and atomic bomb poetry also express feelings of the nuclear uncanny in the atomic age—most notably, in expressions related to literal and metaphorical shadows and death—once more time has passed after the bombing. Tōge Sankichi’s two poems “Blind and “Eyes,” for example, vividly describe the shadows of people badly burned after the bombing: they are “log-like bodies, burned black, that tumble into the river/glimmering afterimages of life”; they are “Shapes I do not recognize…/in a lost world, a lost time/inside a dark storehouse,/a light neither night nor day falls through the twisted bars/of a window;/piled one atop the other—shapes that were once faces.”[32] We can see hints of ‘shadows’ as Tōge describes humans whom he can no longer recognize as such: the bodies are ‘afterimages of life’ and through the storehouse ‘a light neither night nor day’ falls. These shadows are both literal (the bodies are burned beyond recognition and, as such, almost look like human shadows) and metaphorical (after experiencing the bomb, these human beings are ‘shadows’ of who they once were). Tōge also connects this shadow motif with a stated feeling of being in ‘in a lost world, a lost time,’ indicating how the linearity of time became muddled as he struggled to make sense of people who have become ‘shadows.’ Thus, these poems reflect the nuclear uncanniness and unsettled linearity of seeing both real and metaphorical shadows of human beings in those who experienced the atomic bomb.

We can see more metaphorical shadows in “The Empty Can” and “Shades: The Post-Doomsday World.” For example, in “The Empty Can,” the auditorium of Hayashi’s old Nagasaki school is filled with place-based and temporal shadows. As they enter the room, Hayashi and her friends who had gone to school right after the bombing immediately remembered their atomic bomb-related memories of this space. Hayashi recalls a memorial for those in the school who had died from the atomic bomb: “as the name of each student was read, there was a stirring among the students who had survived…The parents were in tears before the memorial service began. The tears turned to sobs, and the sobs drifted steadily toward the center of the room where the students were sitting.”[33] In vividly describing this ceremony, Hayashi shows that the shadow of this event, and, by extension, the atomic bomb, cannot be divorced in her mind from the physical space of the present auditorium. The space is imbued with feelings of physical and temporal uncanniness as the past and present collapse within the auditorium—indeed, as Hayashi recalls the memorial, one can almost imagine the faint shadows of those at the ceremony, haunting the now-empty space. Similarly, Kurihara Sadako’s poem “Shades: The Post-Doomsday World” movingly demonstrates the haunted emotions of living in the atomic age: “The world sinks toward evening;/In the ashen sky/shades drift, drift in the wind,/Dawn, dawn;/It will not come again”; All creatures, “not to be born again,” instead “become mere shades/trembling like ribbons.” These lines reflect the complicated feelings of mourning, apathy, and past and future loss in the atomic age, as the shadows of those killed by nuclear weapons, and shadows of all those alive now, exist a world with an “ashen sky” in which “dawn, it will not come again.”[34] Thus, like “The Empty Can,” “Shades: The Post Doomsday World” demonstrates the uncanny and unsettled feelings of existing in a world in which literal and metaphorical shadows haunt memories and present existence in the atomic age.

Finally, the nuclear uncanniness of death clearly permeates atomic bomb poetry, for how does one write about surviving the bombs when “no one was meant to”?[35] For example, in describing himself and others by a Hiroshima riverbank as “living grave markers,” Tōge shows how he and those around him are ‘living on borrowed time’ (that is, they were not meant to survive) and are existing in an uncanny temporal space of living while dying from the atom bomb.[36] “The ‘Hibakusha’s’ Letter,” written in the first-person narrative of a hypothetical hibakusha woman, also shows how the knowledge that one could have died when the atomic bomb dropped disrupts the linearity of lives after 1945. Though one character in the poem states that “we can’t drag each corpse behind us/Like a shadow. The eye blinks, a world’s gone,” the fictional narrator is still haunted by surviving the bomb, stating that “my death flashed without, not within/I can’t come back.”[37] This line demonstrates how surviving the atomic bombs can haunt one even in the present—the narrator feels that she ‘can’t come back’ from that day, from feeling trapped in that moment of time. The poem “The radio talk…” also evokes the uncanniness of living in the atomic age, as the apocalyptic stanza “the radio talk this morning/was of obliterating the world” is juxtaposed with the second stanza reflecting quotidian, everyday life and the omen of death: “I notice fruit flies rise/from the rind/of the recommended/melon.”[38] Thus, while some atomic bomb poetry reflects hibakusha’s grappling with death and the uncanniness of continuing to live after 1945, other poetry considers what it means for all of us to live our everyday lives in the atomic age.

In contrast to the linear chronology prominent in both American and Japanese national narratives—which, respectively, emphasize scientific achievement in air warfare and a ‘bright’ present divorced from the bomb—genbaku bungaku and atomic bomb poetry show that, for many hibakusha and even those just living in the atomic age, “trauma is not simply absorbed into the flow of history; it recurs, it troubles the very notion of chronology” and linear time.[39] By emphasizing the ‘nuclear uncanny’ in moments of unease before the bombs, during and directly after the bombs, and in present time, this literature and poetry speak not only to personal experiences of hibakusha and others in the atomic age, but also suggest the importance of situating efforts for nuclear abolition within a context of the nuclear uncanny and an understanding that “time ever since [the bombings has been] ‘out of joint.’”[40] If we do not understand how personal uncanny, nonlinear experiences of the bomb reflect how atomic weapons unsettle linear notions of time, we will not be able to envision a present and future without nuclear weapons.


[1] Joseph Masco, Nuclear Borderlands (Princeton University Press, 2013),29. www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/mp48sf404. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[2] John Whitter Treat, Writing Ground Zero (The University of Chicago Press, 1995), 3.

[3] Masco, 29.

[4] A famous example is Kurt Vonnegut’s semi-autobiographical postwar fiction novel Slaughterhouse Five, in which Billy Pilgrim experiences being “unstuck in time” (Vonnegut, 29).

[5] Freud, qtd. in Masco, 30.

[6] Michael J. Shapiro, “Hiroshima Temporalities,” Thesis Eleven 129, no. 1 (Aug. 2015): 42-43. journals.ohiolink.edu/apexprod/f?p=1507:200::::200:P200_ARTICLEID:327769891. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[7] John W. Dower, “Triumphal and Tragic Narratives of the War in Asia,” The Journal of American History 82, no. 3 (Dec. 1995): 1125.

[8] “Strategic Bombing and the Manhattan Project” Lecture, 23 Jun. 2021.

[9] Mark Selden, “The Logic of Mass Destruction,” in Hiroshima’s Shadow, ed. Kai Bird and Lawrence Lifschultz (The Pamphleteer’s Press, 1 May 1998): 58.

[10] Jon Else, The Day After Trinity, directed by Jon Else (1980; KTEH Public Television), documentary film; Philip Morrison, qtd. in Treat, 13.

[11] Dower, 1125.

[12] Bradbury Science Museum, “Welcome to the Bradbury Science Museum,” Triad National Security, n.d. /www.lanl.gov/museum/exhibitions/lobby/index.php. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021; Alison Fields, “Narratives of Peace and Progress: Atomic Museums in Japan and New Mexico.” American Studies 54, no. 1 (2015): 61. muse.jhu.edu/article/580427. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[13] Lisa Yoneyama, Hiroshima Traces (University of California Press, 1999), 66.

[14] Ibid., 70, 71.

[15] Ibid., 72, 65, 51.

[16] Ibid., 75.

[17] Tamiki Hara,“Prelude to Annihilation,” Summer Flowers, 1947, in Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, ed. and trans. Richard H. Minear (Princeton University Press, 1990), 89.

[18] Ibid., 92.

[19] Paul Saint-Amour, “Bombing and the Symptom,” Diacritics 30, no. 4 (Winter, 2000): 61. ezproxy.oberlin.edu/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/bombing-symptom-traumatic-earliness-nuclear/docview/746427840/se-2?accountid=12933. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[20] Ibid., 60.

[21] Paul Saint-Amour, “Air War Prophecy,” Comparative Literature Studies 42, no. 2 (2005): 131. www.jstor.org/stable/40247473. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[22] Hara, “Prelude to Annihilation,” 106.

[23] Saint-Amour, “Air War Prophecy,” 131.

[24] Masco, 33; Hara, “Prelude to Annihilation,” 107; Saint-Amour, “Air War Prophecy,” 140.

[25] Saint-Amour, “Air War Prophecy,” 131.

[26] Tamiki Hara, Summer Flowers, 1947, in Minear, Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, 46.

[27] Dorianne Laux, “The Garden,” in Atomic Ghost, ed. John Bradley (Coffee House Press, 1995), 143-144.

[28] Hara, Summer Flowers, 57-58.

[29] Ōta Yōko, City of Corpses, 1950, in Minear, Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, 204.

[30] Avery F. Gordon, Ghostly Matters (University of Minnesota Press, 2008), xvi. ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/oberlin/reader.action?docID=346045&ppg=223. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[31] Ibid., 55, xvi.

[32] Sankichi Tōge, “Blind,” in Minear, Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, 314; Sankichi Tōge, “Eyes,” in Minear, Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, 317.

[33] Ibid., 131.

[34] Sadako Kurihara, “Shades: The Post Doomsday World,” in Black Eggs, Poems by Kurihara Sadako, ed. and trans. Richard H. Minear (University of Michigan Press, 1994), 309. www.jstor.org/stable/10.3998/mpub.18511. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

[35] Treat, 16.

[36] Sankichi Tōge, “Landscape with River,” in Minear, Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, 343.

[37] David Mura, “The ‘Hibakusha’s’ Letter,” in Bradley, 41.

[38] Lorine Niedecker, “‘The radio talk…’” in Bradley, 72.

[39] Kyo Maclear, Beclouded Visions (State University of New York Press, 1999), 26.

[40] Ibid., 4.


Works Cited

Bradbury Science Museum. “Welcome to the Bradbury Science Museum.” Triad National Security, n.d. /www.lanl.gov/museum/exhibitions/lobby/index.php. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

Dower, John W. “Triumphal and Tragic Narratives of the War in Asia.” The Journal of American History 82, no. 3 (Dec. 1995): 1124-1135.

Else, Jon, director. The Day After Trinity. 1980, KTEH Public Television. Documentary film.

Fields, Alison. “Narratives of Peace and Progress: Atomic Museums in Japan and New Mexico.” American Studies 54, no. 1 (2015): 53-66. muse.jhu.edu/article/580427. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

Gordon, Avery F. Ghostly Matters. University of Minnesota Press, 2008. ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/oberlin/reader.action?docID=346045&ppg=223. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

Hara, Tamiki. “Prelude to Annihilation.” Summer Flowers, 1947. In Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 79-113. Princeton University Press, 1990.

Hara, Tamiki. Summer Flowers, 1947. In Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 45-133. Princeton University Press, 1990.

Kurihara, Sadako. “Shades: The Post Doomsday World.” In Black Eggs, Poems by Kurihara Sadako, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 309. University of Michigan Press, 1994.

Laux, Dorianne. “The Garden.” In Atomic Ghost, ed. John Bradley, 143-144. Coffee House Press, 1995.

Maclear, Kyo. Beclouded Visions. State University of New York Press, 1999.

Masco, Joseph. Nuclear Borderlands. Princeton University Press, 2013. www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/mp48sf404. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

Mura, David. “The ‘Hibakusha’s’ Letter.” In Atomic Ghost, ed. John Bradley, 40-42. Coffee House Press, 1995.

Niedecker, Lorine. “‘The radio talk…’” In Atomic Ghost, ed. John Bradley, 72. Coffee House Press, 1995.

Saint-Amour, Paul. “Air War Prophecy.” Comparative Literature Studies 42, no. 2 (2005): 130-161. www.jstor.org/stable/40247473. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

Saint-Amour, Paul. “Bombing and the Symptom.” Diacritics 30, no. 4 (Winter, 2000): 59-82. ezproxy.oberlin.edu/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/bombing-symptom-traumatic-earliness-nuclear/docview/746427840/se-2?accountid=12933. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

Selden, Mark. “The Logic of Mass Destruction.” In Hiroshima’s Shadow, ed. Kai Bird and Lawrence Lifschultz, 51-62. The Pamphleteer’s Press, 1 May 1998.

Shapiro, Michael J. “Hiroshima Temporalities.” Thesis Eleven 129, no. 1 (Aug. 2015): 40-56. journals.ohiolink.edu/apexprod/f?p=1507:200::::200:P200_ARTICLEID:327769891. Accessed 29 Aug. 2021.

“Strategic Bombing and the Manhattan Project” Lecture, 23 Jun. 2021.

Tōge, Sankichi. “Blind.” In Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 313-314. Princeton University Press, 1990.

Tōge, Sankichi. “Eyes.” In Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 317-318. Princeton University Press, 1990.

Tōge, Sankichi. “Landscape with River.” In Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 343. Princeton University Press, 1990.

Vonnegut, Kurt. Slaughter-House Five. Dial Press Trade, Paperback Edition, 2009.

Whittier, John Treat. Writing Ground Zero. The University of Chicago Press, 1995.

Yōko, Ōta. City of Corpses, 1950. In Hiroshima: Three Witnesses, edited and translated by Richard H. Minear, 147-273. Princeton University Press, 1990.

Yoneyama, Lisa. Hiroshima Traces. University of California Press, 1999.

The Harlem Hellfighters

By Conner Levitt

Most Americans today know about famous African-American soldiers like the Tuskegee Airmen or the black Union soldiers during the American Civil War. Today we view these groups as important milestones of the struggle for equality in the United States. Yet, there is another group of soldiers who deserve the same amount of remembrance and respect, but have been forgotten: the 369th Infantry Regiment, better known as the Harlem Hellfighters. The Hellfighters were one of the first African-American units that fought in World War I1 and through their bravery they became one of the most famous and well-known units in the US during the war. 

The Harlem Hellfighters got their start as a part of the New York State national guard in 1916.Civic leaders from Harlem convinced the governor of New York to create the Hellfighters (then called the 15th New York Guard Regiment) as the very first all-black unit in the guard. They were led by a man named William Hayward.3 Hayward was white, but unlike other white officers who might have been in his place, he respected his men and hired both white and black officers to lead the unit. He is quoted as telling white officers to “meet men according to their rank as soldiers” and that if “[they] intended to take a narrower attitude, [they] had better stay out.”4 

After the US joined WWI in 1917, the Hellfighters had to be trained into a proper unit before being shipped off to France. They were forced to train in Spartanburg, South Carolina. By  the early 1900s, Jim Crow was already in full swing, and the black soldiers of the regiment were constantly harassed and insulted by townspeople. The same people they were going off to fight for. White Americans’ animosity toward the African-American troops continued even after they left the US and sailed to France. Once the Hellfighters arrived in France, they were denied the opportunity to do the one thing they were trained to do: fight instead they were relegated to more menial duties like guarding rail-lines or digging latrine lines. While many American units had this duty, the Hellfighters had this duty for a unique reason: white American soldiers refused to fight alongside any black soldiers.To allow the Hellfighters to serve in combat, the US Army made an unfortunate but necessary decision: they transferred the unit over to the French Army. 

Once the Hellfighters were transferred over to the French Army they had a very different experience than in the US Army. While the US shunned them, the French welcomed the Hellfighters into their country’s army.  The French did not segregate units or treat them any differently than white units. With US uniforms and French weapons and helmets equipped, the Hellfighters were sent by the French army to their first frontline posting on April 15th, 1918, three months before any other American unit saw any combat.They stayed on the front for 3 months. During this time the unit’s most famous and enduring story of the war occurred. 

On the night of May 14th, Henry Johnson and Needham Roberts, two privates in the Harlem Hellfighters, were on sentry duty when Johnson heard the snipping of wire cutters in the darkness. The two men tried to get word back to their commanders but were forced to fight for their lives against a group of 24 German soldiers. Both soldiers were severely injured with Roberts being hurt by a grenade explosion and Johnson? being shot several times by the German attackers.7 However, in the end the two men were able to stop the German attack, killing 4 and wounding 10. Due to their efforts, the two men became the first Americans to be awarded the Croix de Guerre8, a prestigious 

award given to soldiers who distinguish themselves by performing heroic deeds. Henry Johnson was known as “the Black Death” after the attack.9 The Harlem Hellfighters fought in many campaigns in France and had the single longest tour of duty of any unit of the war: they were on tour once for over six months!10  After the war they returned to New York, demobilized, and returned to being a national guard unit. Through their service they showed the US that they, and by extension other African-Americans, were worthy of respect and being first class citizens. They fought and died for a country that restricted their rights but that they nonetheless believed in. In the end, the Harlem Hellfighters were a group of African-American soldiers who put their lives on the line for a country that didn’t want them in continuation of the fight for equality in the US, and should be remembered and honored as such.

[1] France-Amerique. “The Harlem Hellfighters: American Fighters in French Uniforms.” Accessed 12/12/2021 

[2] Smithsonian Magazine. “Remembering Henry Johnson, the Soldier Called “Black Death.” Accessed 12/11/2021. 

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/one-hundred-years-ago-harlem-hellfighters-bravely-led-us-wwi 180968977/ 

[3] Smithsonian Magazine. “Remembering Henry Johnson, the Soldier Called “Black Death.” Accessed 12/11/2021. 

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/one-hundred-years-ago-harlem-hellfighters-bravely-led-us-wwi 180968977/ 

[4] Smithsonian Magazine. “Remembering Henry Johnson, the Soldier Called “Black Death.” Accessed 12/11/2021. 

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/one-hundred-years-ago-harlem-hellfighters-bravely-led-us-wwi 180968977/ 

[5] New York Daily News. “For Henry Johnson.” Accessed 12/14/2021 https://www.nydailynews.com/opinion/editorial-henry-johnson-honor-sight-article-1.2043664

[6] https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/one-hundred-years-ago-harlem-hellfighters-bravely-led-us-wwi 180968977/ 

[7] Smithsonian Magazine. “Remembering Henry Johnson, the Soldier Called “Black Death.” Accessed 12/11/2021. 

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/remembering-henry-johnson-the-soldier-called-black-death-117 386701/?no-ist 

[8] Smithsonian Magazine. “Remembering Henry Johnson, the Soldier Called “Black Death.” Accessed 12/11/2021. 

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/remembering-henry-johnson-the-soldier-called-black-death-117 386701/?no-ist

Bibliography 

White Mob Violence and the Capitol Insurrection

Image Source: NPR Staff, “The Jan. 6 Capitol Riot,” NPR, first published 9 Jan. 2021 (last updated 15 Apr. 2021), http://www.npr.org/2021/02/09/965472049/the-capitol-siege-the-arrested-and-their-stories. REUTERS/Leah Millis/File Photo. Accessed 16 Apr. 2021.

By Meredith Warden

On January 6th, a mob of thousands of people—consisting of white supremacists, Trump supporters, neo-Nazis, neo-Confederates, and many more people with similar views—violently invaded the U.S. Capitol building. Undoubtedly a historic moment, it was the first time since the War of 1812 that the Capitol building had been breached.[1] At the same time, however, white mob violence is not new—as many before me have pointed out, the storming of the Capitol building continues a long historical arc of white violence in the U.S. in response to perceived threats against white supremacy. Tulsa, Oklahoma; Rosewood, Florida; East. St. Louis Illinois; Little Rock, Arkansas; countrywide sites of over 4,000 lynchings; 46, 300 plantations—all of these sites (among many others) were places where whites terrorized Black people in an effort to maintain the social, political, and ideological system of white supremacy.[2] In its own way, the Capitol insurrection continued this white American tradition of mob violence. 

Throughout history, the white mob has, in the words of Victor Luckerson, viewed “itself as an extension of the law, not a repudiation of it.”[3] For example, Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction lynching mobs and spectators saw themselves as upholding the law and white supremacy by extrajudicially murdering a Black man or woman who had supposedly committed a crime. These mobs often posed gleefully for cameras, as the hundreds if not thousands of spectacle lynching photos show. They did not hide because they saw themselves as upholding justice, upholding the law; “members of white mobs do not have to mask their faces” because “being part of a white mob has rarely been a crime” even if lynching someone—or breaking into the U.S. Capitol—was technically illegal.[4] As Ida B. Wells wrote about one lynching, the white mob “met with no resistance [during the lynching]…The grand jury refused to indict the lynchers though the names of over twenty persons who were leaders in the mob were well known” and, ultimately, “not one of the dozens of men prominent in that murder have suffered a whit more inconvenience for the butchery of that man, than they would have suffered for shooting a dog.”[5]

The Capitol attack was saturated with similar claims that the mostly white crowd was ‘upholding the law.’ Spurred on by Trump’s claims of fraudulent election results, thousands of people converged on the Capitol building convinced (or just claiming) that they were fighting to correct an illegal election result. They referred to themselves as “patriots,” chanted “U.S.A! U.S.A!,” and repeatedly compared themselves to American Revolutionaries (“1776-it’s now or never”; “Our Founding Fathers would get in the streets, and they would take this country back by force if necessary. And that is what we must be prepared to do.”)[6] Just as white lynch mobs justified their murders by claiming that they were achieving justice, the Capitol insurrectionists believed that “this was [their] country” and that they were righting a wrong. They were and are white in America; they knew they would likely not face consequences for their riotous and violent actions. 

And this concept hits at the core of the Capitol insurrection and the history it echoes: beneath the facade of American white mobs ‘upholding justice’ is white supremacy. The ‘fear of being replaced’—which, put plainly, is the white fear of becoming a racial minority and being treated like whites have treated non-white people throughout history—has been embedded in arguably every instance of white mob violence in this country. The 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre, in which white mobs looted and destroyed Greenwood District, was a thinly veiled reaction to Black economic success in a district that was known as “Black Wall Street.”[7] Likewise, lynchings increased after the end of the Civil War, when whites felt threatened by the mere beginnings of Black freedom and pushes for equality; many white people “felt that the freed blacks were getting away with too much freedom and felt they needed to be controlled.”[8] 

The ideology on display before and during January 6, 2021 was strikingly similar. In November 2020, a well-known far right figure, Nicholas Fuentes, warned of the “Great Replacement,” the white supremacist belief that “Europe and the United States are under siege from nonwhites and non-Christians” and that the “ultimate outcome of the Great Replacement will be ‘white genocide.’” This fear of ‘being replaced’ played a role not only in older historical examples of white violence but also more recent examples, such as Charlottesville, when white supremacist and antisemities chanted “Jews will not replace us,” and the Christchurch, New Zealand mosque massacre, when the white perpetrator cited the ‘Great Replacement’ in his manifesto.[9] The Great Replacement theory is a radical and overtly white supremacist idea, but it speaks to more widespread white fears that were present at the Capitol. One of the core tenets of white supremacy is fear. Whether that fear is of “losing status, wealth and most importantly, political power, in the face of mass Black voter turnout,” people of color immigrating from other countries (often for reasons that the U.S. brought about), the general increasing racial diversity of the U.S., or something else, white fear has “always been part of what animated racial violence in this country, from riots to lynchings to police brutality.”[10] So—like many historical and everyday examples too numerous to list here—the white mob that invaded the U.S. Capitol did so to push down this fear and to instead provoke fear in Black, Indigenous, Asian, Hispanic, Latine, other people of color, Jewish people, people part of the LGBTQIA+ community, and many more. 

To put it simply, the mob entered the Capitol to reassert white supremacy and try to prove to other people and themselves that they still had power. They carried and displayed symbols of white supremacy—Confederate flags, abhorrent references to the Holocaust and the Auschwitz, a noose, the ‘O.K.’ hand gesture to mean ‘white power,’ references to QAnon.[11] Like other examples of white mob violence throughout history, they smiled gleefully for cameras.[12] They repeatedly hurled slurs at Black police officers, and numerous Congresspeople of color and Black staffers stated that they feared for their lives and were “terrorized” by the Capitol invasion.[13] As a reporter among the crowd writes, “for right-wing protesters, the occupation of restricted government sanctums was an affirmation of dominance so emotionally satisfying that it was an end in itself—proof to elected officials, to Biden voters, and also to themselves that they were still in charge.”[14] In this way, the Capitol invasion and insurrection was both a product and display of white supremacy—it was, after all, because of their white identity that this mob was able to invade the Capitol building at all. As many immediately pointed out, the differences between the government and police response to the Capitol riot versus Black Lives Matter protests is stark. Whereas police often commit “widespread and systemic violence toward civilian protesters, journalists, medics, and legal observers” at Black Lives Matter marches that protest this very type of racialized police brutality, the white mob on January 6th was met not only with little preparation from the Capitol police but often police actively condoning their violence, whether by saying “Appreciate you being peaceful” to members of the mob or participating in the insurrection itself.[15] Similarly, “DC police arrested more than five times as many people at the height of the Black Lives Matter protests last summer than they did during the day of insurrection at the Capitol,” and as of mid-April 2021, only 400 people out of the thousands involved in the insurrection have been charged.[16] In short, the Capitol insurrection is steeped in white supremacy, from the fact that it happened in the first place to its ultimate goal of displaying and reinforcing the power of white supremacy and power in America.        

What happened on January 6th, 2021 is certainly historic, but it is not new. The Capitol insurrection is only another example of the white mob violence that is embedded in—indeed, forms the very core of—America since its white supremacist beginnings. The footage and photos of the Capitol insurrection echo the archive of white mob violence throughout history, because these events, although in different contexts with different details, are all manifestations of the same white supremacy. When I saw the footage and photos of the white mob at the Capitol, I saw at the same time the violent images of white mobs in lynching postcards, in photos of school integration during the Civil Rights Movement, in the images of destroyed Black Wall Street, in the primary sources detailing the genocide of Indigenous nations and the system of chattel slavery, in the seemingly infinite historical archive of white mob violence throughout America’s history. This is not new. As historians begin collecting artifacts from the Capitol insurrection and the public in general continues to grapple with the events of January 6th, we must remember and emphasize the Capitol insurrection’s place in the ongoing historical legacy of white supremacy and white mob violence in America.[17]

Bibliography

[1] Josh Haltiwanger, “The attempted coup by a pro-Trump mob was the most significant breach of the Capitol since the War of 1812,” Business Insider, Insider Inc., 6 Jan. 2021, www.businessinsider.com/armed-trump-supporters-breached-capitol-war-of-1812-2021-1, accessed 1 Mar. 2021.

[2] Victor Luckerson, “Living in the Age of the White Mob,” The New Yorker,  The New Yorker, 15 Jan. 2021, www.newyorker.com/news/dispatch/living-in-the-age-of-the-white-mob, accessed 27 Feb. 2021; “Racial Terror Lynchings,” Equal Justice Initiative, Equal Justice Initiative, n.d., lynchinginamerica.eji.org/explore, accessed 1 Mar. 2021; “Enslavement,” National Humanities Center, NEH, Mar. 2007, nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/maai/enslavement/text3/text3read.htm#:~:text=46%2C300%20plantations%20, accessed 1 Mar. 2021. 

[3] Luckerson, “Living in the Age.”

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ida Barnett Wells, On Lynchings. Dover Publications, 2014 (originally pub. 1892, 1895, and 1900), ProQuest Ebook Central, ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/oberlin/detail.action?docID=1920052, pg. 32.

[6] Luke Mogelson, “Among the Insurrectionists,” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 15 Jan. 2021, www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/01/25/among-the-insurrectionists, accessed 27 Feb. 2021. 

[7] “1921 Tulsa Race Massacre,” Tulsa Historical Society and Museum, Tulsa Historical Society and Museum, n.d., www.tulsahistory.org/exhibit/1921-tulsa-race-massacre/#flexible-content, accessed 2 Mar. 2021.

[8] “History of Lynchings,” NAACP, NAACP, n.d., www.naacp.org/history-of-lynchings/, accessed 2 Mar. 2021.

[9] Mogelson, “Among the Insurrectionists.”

[10] Rhae Lynn Barnes and Keri Leigh Merritt, “Opinion: A Confederate Flag at the Capitol summons America’s demons,” CNN, Warner Media Company, 7 Jan. 2021, www.cnn.com/2021/01/07/opinions/capitol-riot-confederacy-reconstruction-birth-of-a-nation-merritt-barnes/index.html, accessed 2 Mar. 2021.

[11]  Deena Zaru, “The symbols of hate and far-right extremism on display in pro-Trump Capitol seige,” abcNews, ABC News Internet Ventures, 14 Jan. 2021, abcnews.go.com/US/symbols-hate-extremism-display-pro-trump-capitol-siege/story?id=75177671, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Matthew Rosenberg and Ainara Tiefenthäler, “Decoding the Far-Right Symbols at the Capitol Riot,” New York Times, New York Times, 13 Jan. 2021, www.nytimes.com/2021/01/13/video/extremist-signs-symbols-capitol-riot.html, accessed 2 Mar 2021.

[12] Allison Keyes, “A Long-Lost Manuscript Contains a Searing Eyewitness Account of the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921,” The National Museum of African American History and Culture, Smithsonian Magazine, 27 May 2016, www.smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian-institution/long-lost-manuscript-contains-searing-eyewitness-account-tulsa-race-massacre-1921-180959251/, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; “Capitol Riot: Five startling images from the siege,” BBC News, BBC, 7 Jan. 2021, www.bbc.com/news/in-pictures-55577824, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Jake Tapper, “Officer appears to pose for selfie with rioter,” CNN. CNN, www.cnn.com/videos/politics/2021/01/07/capitol-police-response-pro-trump-riots-lead-vpx.cnn, accessed 2 Mar. 2021. 

[13] Sarah Mimms, “Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Said She Had A ‘Very Close Encounter’ On The Day The Capitol Was Stormed And Thought She Would Die,” BuzzFeed News, Buzzfeed, 13 Jan. 2021, www.buzzfeednews.com/article/sarahmimms/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-feared-death-capitol-riot-attack?bfsource=relatedmanual, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Kimmy Yam,
“Asian American lawmakers described being concerned for marginalized groups during Capitol violence,” NBC News, NBC, 7 Jan. 2021, www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/asian-american-lawmakers-describe-being-concerned-marginalized-groups-during-capitol-n1253393, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Emmanuel Felton, “Black Police Officers Describe The Racist Attacks They Faced As They Protected the Capitol,” BuzzFeed News, Buzzfeed, 9 Jan. 2021, www.buzzfeednews.com/article/emmanuelfelton/black-capitol-police-racism-mob, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Luke Broadwater, “For Black Aides on Capitol Hill, Jan. 6 Brought Particular Trauma,” New York Times, New York Times, 17 Feb. 2021, www.nytimes.com/2021/02/17/us/politics/black-staff-capitol-attack.html, accessed 2 Mar. 2021. 

[14]  Mogelson, “Among the Insurrectionists.”

[15] Eyal Weizman et. al, “Police Brutality at the Black Lives Matter Protests,” Forensic Architecture, Forensic Architecture, n.d. (ongoing), forensic-architecture.org/investigation/police-brutality-at-the-black-lives-matter-protests, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Mogelson, “Among the Insurrectionists”; Patrik Jonsonn, “Capitol Assault: Why did police show up on both sides of the ‘thin blue line’?,” The Christian Science Monitor, The Christian Science Monitor, 14 Jan. 2021, www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2021/0114/Capitol-assault-Why-did-police-show-up-on-both-sides-of-thin-blue-line, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; Jonathan Turley, “The other scandal of the Capitol riot,” The Hill, Capitol Hill Publishing Corp, 20 Feb. 2021, thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/539709-the-other-scandal-of-the-capitol-riot, accessed 2 Mar. 2021.

[16] Casey Tolan, “DC police made far more arrests at the height of Black Lives Matter protests than during the Capitol clash,” CNN, CNN, 9 Jan. 2021, www.cnn.com/2021/01/08/us/dc-police-arrests-blm-capitol-insurrection-invs/index.html, accessed 2 Mar. 2021; NPR Staff, “The Jan. 6 Capitol Riot,” NPR, first published 9 Jan. 2021 (last updated 15 Apr. 2021), http://www.npr.org/2021/02/09/965472049/the-capitol-siege-the-arrested-and-their-stories, accessed 16 Apr. 2021.

[17] Maura Judkis and Ellen McCarthy, “The Capitol mob desecrated a historical workplace — and left behind some disturbing artifacts,” Washington Post, The Washington Post, 8 Jan. 2021, www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/the-capitol-mob-desecrated-a-historical-workplace–and-left-behind-some-disturbing-artifacts/2021/01/08/e67b3c88-51d1-11eb-83e3-322644d82356_story.html, accessed 2 Mar. 2021. 

Representations of French Colonialism in The Story of Babar the Little Elephant

The inside cover of Jean de Brunhoff’s 1931 Histoire de Babar le petit éléphant (The Story of Babar the Little Elephant), http://www.abebooks.com/book-search/title/babar/author/brunhoff/kw/1931/first-edition/. Accessed 16 Apr. 2021.

By Nathan Englehart

Babar the elephant is one of the most widely recognized characters in children’s literature. In the early 2000s my parents read The Story of Babar the Little Elephant to me, using my mother’s worn copy from the late 1960s. Jean de Brunhoff’s 1931 tale continues to reach children worldwide through numerous sequels available in 17 languages, not to mention a television show on CBC/HBO available in 30 languages across 150 countries.[1] 

Babar the Little Elephant is beautifully illustrated and charming. Babar is raised in the city to become the king of the forest—one who gets into mischief thanks to his insatiable curiosity. Yet there is more to Babar than a little elephant’s antics. A closer look reveals that Babar the Little Elephant was undoubtedly written as an endorsement of French colonialism—a message that probably escapes the average pre-schooler. 

Brunhoff wrote Babar the Little Elephant at a time when France’s understanding of colonialism was in flux. Assimilationist colonial policy was giving way to a hybrid assimilationist-associationist policy. The publication of Babar the Little Elephant occurred at a time of policy transition, but the work is ultimately a celebration of assimilationism-associationism. 

Before World War I, assimilationists believed La Mission Civilisatrice (the civilizing mission) was paramount for French colonialists. Assimilationists thought France had not just the right, but the “benevolent” duty to spread French republicanism and culture around the globe. Colonial natives were considered French citizens upon adoption of French culture and customs. This gave natives the same political rights as mainland French citizens. 

Assimilationist policy proved problematic for the French on two fronts. First, assimilationism entailed replacing centuries-old governing structures. In late 19th century French West Africa, influential colonial official and ethnographer Maurice Delafosse argued that “liberating” Africans by removing their traditional tribal leaders from power was a mistake.[2] It both displeased influential natives elite and stirred unrest in whole colonies. Second, popular opinion in France opposed native peoples enjoying the same political rights as mainland French citizens. Even well-respected French thinkers such as polymath and sociologist Gustav Le Bon insisted that nations and races were linked.[3] They argued that native people living in the French empire could never be fully “French” and thus shouldn’t have the same political rights as full French citizens. Associationists, on the other hand, believed that natives were not and could not be French and thus should not be treated as such. They believed natives should retain a degree of autonomy and self-governance, and not enjoy the rights of full French citizens. Thus, by the onset of World War I, France began to meld La Mission Civilisatrice and the ideas of thinkers such as Delafosse and Le Bon into a unique hybrid assimilationist-associationist colonial policy. 

Public opinion of the empire became especially important in the early 20th century. In 1899, English-Polish author Joseph Conrad published Heart of Darkness, a novella depicting the atrocities committed in the Belgian Congo Free State’s rubber trade.[4] Conrad’s novella was instrumental in sparking the widespread disapproval and condemnation of Belgian King Leopold II’s colonial policy. French colonialists emphasized that their form of colonialism was better than others, unethical empires, such as the Belgian Congo. 

French romanticization of their unique form of “ethical” colonialism is embodied in Brunhoff’s Babar the Little Elephant. The story opens with little Babar and his mother living in the forest in ignorant bliss. Their peaceful life together is brought to an end by a European hunter who shoots Babar’s mother for her tusks, terrorizing Babar and the animals around him. Through the killing of Babar’s mother, Brunhoff contrasts extraction-oriented colonialism with benevolent and morally-upright French colonialism. 

After the death of Babar’s mother, Babar wanders for several days before discovering a distinctively French town. Babar is enchanted by its broad streets, cars, and buses, as well as the western-style suits worn by men. Babar’s interest in the “Frenchness” of the town reinforced the narrative that colonialism benefited both parties. Notably, Babar meets a kind old woman who lends him her purse so he can buy a suit. Brunhoff uses the kindly, generous old woman to symbolize France. Like French colonialists, she goes out of her way to help Babar become more “civilized,” or, in other words, more French. The kind old woman is a device representing “good colonialists” focused on uplifting colonial subjects. 

The story of Babar also exemplifies associationist beliefs, which held that native peoples were distinctly different from the French. At the department store, Babar gets sidetracked playing with the elevator, riding up and down over and over. On first glance, Babar is an adorably curious elephant. On second glance, this passage arguably infantilizes native populations. Brunhoff portrays them as both ignorant and insatiably curious about French technology, just as French colonialists thought of natives at the time. Both Babar playing with the elevator and his purchase of a Western-style green suit signify the difference between French and native peoples. Green was not a suit color popular among Frenchmen at the time. Because the suit is green rather than grey or blue, Babar has not fully assimilated. His new look is thus consistent with the views of hybrid assimilation-associationism. In his new suit, Babar has attained his own good-looking, but unique, Frenchness. When Babar returns to the old woman, she comments over dinner that Babar “looks very smart in his new suit.”[5] 

While Brunhoff depicts Babar as partially assimilating to French culture, it is also clear that Babar is a creature of the great forest. He is not quite happy living in town with the kindly woman. His ambivalence is evident upon a visit from his cousins, Arthur and Celeste. Babar promptly outfits them in French attire and feeds them pastries. Yet when Arthur and Celeste’s mothers arrive worried about them, Babar is so homesick that he decides to return to the forest. Here Brunhoff gives voice to the widely-held opinion in interwar France that native peoples were distinctly different and should be treated as such. Special natives—like Babar—nevertheless made suitable leaders of native populations once assimilated into French culture. Notably, Babar brings a decided “Frenchness” with him on his return to the jungle. 

After his return to the jungle, Babar’s newly acquired Frenchness qualifies him to lead the great forest, which is consistent with a change in French colonial policy from educating commoners to educating elites. Prior to the 20th century, French education in the colonies created unrest among an emerging class of middle-wealth, well-educated commoners who sought equal political rights called évolués. To combat this unrest, French colonialists began to limit education to the elites. Thus assimilated, these native elites could then serve in colonial governments and represent French interests. This prevented the évolués from further challenging the French. For example, after World War I, the governor-general of French West Africa, Martial Merlin, implemented policies that empowered local leaders, instead of commoners through education.[6] By becoming more French through programs like education, chiefs could retain their power over the impatient évolués and thus prevent the évolués from challenging the French. 

The choice of a green-suited, automobile-driving Babar as king is consistent with this shift in colonial policy, from one of educating commoners to a policy of educating elites. In Brunhoff’s story, Babar not only learns French culture from the kindly woman, but is taught arithmetic from the professor and makes “rapid progress”.[7] Clever readers of Babar the Little Elephant will also note Brunhoff’s portrayal of Babar as special from the outset of the tale. Babar is the only elephant using a tool in an early scene depicting the elephants playing in the great forest. Babar thus symbolizes those local elites French colonialists routinely chose for assimilation. 

Babar happens to return to the great forest just as the king of the elephants has fallen ill. As the three oldest elephants meet to name the next ruler of the great forest, Babar arrives home driving an automobile with Arthur and Celeste. Cornelius, the eldest elephant, asks “Why not choose Babar? He just returned from the big city, he has learned so much living among men, let us crown him king”.[8] In Brunhoff’s telling, Babar’s Frenchness and associated modernity qualify him to lead. 

Brunhoff’s Babar the Little Elephant sold empire to French young people. The story contrasts “bad colonialists” focused on resource extraction with “good” French colonialists. These French colonialists focused on the assimilationist-associationist practice of grooming of certain native elites, represented through Babar, in French ways so they can eventually rule their native land. Thus did French children—and their parents—learn of the benevolence of the French empire, all while enjoying the adventures of a mischievous little elephant. 

[1] “Babar and the Adventures of Badou,” Treehouse TV. Retrieved 23 February 2013. 

[2] Alice L. Conklin, A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895-1930 (Stanford University Press, 2015). 

[3] Tyler Stovall, Transnational France: the Modern History of a Universal Nation (Routledge, 2019), 192. 

[4] Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness, Blackwood’s Magazine, 1902.

[5] Jean de Brunhoff, The Story of Babar the Little Elephant (Random House, 1931), 18. 

[6]Conklin, A Mission to Civilize, 193. 

[7] Brunhoff, The Story of Babar the Little Elephant, 22. 

[8] Ibid., 22.

How Black Women Created New Visual Representations For Themselves in the Mid-Nineteenth Century

“African-American Woman and Child”. ca. 1860s, Collection of the Allen Memorial Art Museum.

By Greta Arbogast

In the mid nineteenth century, Black women began to reshape the way they were viewed in American society. During slavery, Black women were exploited, dehumanized, abused, and sexually assaulted. They were viewed as inferior by white Americans who saw Black people as  a group unfit to join American society. Black women sought to make a standing for themselves in this society that deemed them inherently lesser -than due to their race and gender. One important method used to achieve this was portraiture and photography. The picture that I chose for this paper depicts an African-American mother and her child sitting for a portrait.[1] This photograph is a Tintype, which was an affordable photography method in the 1800s for middle and lower class people who wanted their portraits taken.[2] This photograph dates back to 1860, and is extremely significant in that the two women appear to be confidently middle class, which was not how many African-Americans were depicted at this time.[3] Through pictures like this, Black women fought to change the narrative that they were inferior, second class people. This image displays the ways that Black women in the mid nineteenth century took agency over their own bodies and appearances and created new visual representations of Black people, in order to resist oppressive stereotypes and discrimination. 

Black people who appeared in photography in the mid nineteenth century attempted to create a new visual depiction of themselves. Black women and men took portraiture seriously, arriving at photography studios with elegant attire, especially women, who “showed up at the studio highly decorated for the occasion.”[4] The mother and her child in this photograph wear fancy, elegant white dresses that feature details of lace and mesh. Both the mother and child wear ribbons in their hair, the mother wears nice gloves, and the daughter wears fancy shoes, which displays their tasteful style. The mother in the image has on earrings and a necklace and her daughter holds a fancy hat, which further adds to their distinguished appearance. Something as simple as dress allows the mother and child in this image to be deemed as middle class people who have a strong standing in their society. Black people’s confident appearance in early portraiture “countered a long history of contemptuous representations of Black people by portraying ‘black pride and identity’” in positive ways.[5] By sitting for these photographs, Black people were able to control the depictions of the Black body and to create a new form of Black visibility that did not exist before. These photographs are significant because they “documented the existence of free ‘Americans’ of African descent, even as the issue of Black freedom and national belonging remained in question.”[6] By staring confidently at the camera, like the woman and her child do in this image, Black women showed that they were worthy of being photographed, and thus worthy of being seen as equal members of society. Black women took agency over their citizenship and acceptance in America through photographs like this one. The women in this image, as they sit proudly in their fine clothes, show that they deserve to be seen and that they belong in American society as much as anyone else does. 

During slavery, Black women’s bodies were exploited, abused, and assaulted. This established Black women’s bodies as inferior and it deemed Black women commodifiable. Some sources estimate that “58% of all enslaved women aged 15–30 years were sexually assaulted by slave owners and other white men,”[7] and because Black women were legally defined as property, this sexual assault was not a crime.[8] By deeming Black women and girls un-rapeable from a legal standpoint they were extremely dehumanized. Further, Black women who were considered “‘strong’ were sold as breeders and routinely sexually assaulted to birth more children into slavery.”[9] This caused Black motherhood to become associated with the labor production of future slaves. Thus, this image of the Black mother and her child becomes extremely significant as it shows motherhood through an empowering lens in which the mother has authority over her own child, body and sexuality. This representation of a mother sitting proudly with her child creates a new form of visibility for Black mothers and the agency they have, which opposes the notion that Black motherhood is exploitable and commodifiable. 

From an early time, Black women and their anatomy were viewed as extremely different from that of white women. Sixteenth and seventeenth century male travelers saw African women’s bodies as “inherently laboring ones — as female drudges that stood in stark distinction to the idealized idle and dependent English woman.”[10] Early ideals that Black women’s anatomy was different from the “pure” white women’s allowed white slaveholders to justify their exploitation of Black women’s bodies. By appearing in photographs in the clothes and mannerisms that were held by white women, like the women in this photograph do, Black women were able to challenge this notion that they were vastly different and inferior to white women. This made dress and appearance something extremely important for Black women during slavery and afterwards, as it allowed them to reclaim their own bodies and appearance.[11]

Enslaved Black women had multiple bodies that allowed them to survive the many hardships they faced during slavery. One of their most important bodies was the outlawed body that existed as a site of pleasure and resistance.[12] This body represented pleasure, pride, and self-expression, which Black women enacted through small indulgences such as “making and wearing fancy dresses and attending illicit parties.”[13] This body allowed Black women to have control over their attire and their social lives, which was a way for them to have agency over their typically exploited bodies. This body also allowed them to take part in the style and femininity that was reserved for white women. Enslaved women were often forced to wear uncolored, shapeless clothes that denounced their femininity.[14] They fought against this by spending their free time making fancy clothes that they enjoyed, which included fashion trends white women wore, such as the hoopskirt. This allowed them to “appropriate a symbol of leisure and femininity (and freedom) and denatured their slave status.”[15] Black women dressing in popular styles worn by white women continued after slavery, and it was an important way for them to counter the idea that Black women were unworthy of participating in the “elite” lifestyle of white women. After slavery, free Black women continued to fight for Black visibility[16] and against the oppressive beliefs that their bodies were inferior and exploitable. Images like this one of the mother and her child show the ways that Black women created new representations of themselves, by dressing confidently in elegant attire, showing that they had control over their lives and their bodies. 

This image of the mother and her child shows the ways that Black women in the mid nineteenth century created new visual representations of the Black body that fought against negative stereotypes and descrimination. Following slavery, Black people used photography to create positive depictions of themselves, in order to show that they belonged in American society, at a time when their citizenship was questioned. Black women used authority over their own self-expression to fight against the prevailing ideals that Black women were exploitable and commodifiable. They used portraits like this one to create new visibility for Black women that showed that they were strong, confident, and deserving of equality. This image shows a mother who has agency over her own appearance, motherhood and body. Through pictures like this, Black women proved to America that they had control over their own lives and narratives which allowed them to resist oppressive ideals, and fight for a world where they would be treated as worthy and equal. 

In the mid nineteenth century, Black women began to reshape the way they were viewed in American society. During slavery, Black women were exploited, dehumanized, abused, and sexually assaulted. They were viewed as inferior by white Americans who saw Black people as  a group unfit to join American society. Black women sought to make a standing for themselves in this society that deemed them inherently lesser -than due to their race and gender. One important method used to achieve this was portraiture and photography. The picture that I chose for this paper depicts an African-American mother and her child sitting for a portrait. This photograph is a Tintype, which was an affordable photography method in the 1800s for middle and lower class people who wanted their portraits taken. This photograph dates back to 1860, and is extremely significant in that the two women appear to be confidently middle class, which was not how many African-Americans were depicted at this time. Through pictures like this, Black women fought to change the narrative that they were inferior, second class people. This image displays the ways that Black women in the mid nineteenth century took agency over their own bodies and appearances and created new visual representations of Black people, in order to resist oppressive stereotypes and descrimination. 

Black people who appeared in photography in the mid nineteenth century attempted to create a new visual depiction of themselves. Black women and men took portraiture seriously, arriving at photography studios with elegant attire, especially women, who “showed up at the studio highly decorated for the occasion.” The mother and her child in this photograph wear fancy, elegant white dresses that feature details of lace and mesh. Both the mother and child wear ribbons in their hair, the mother wears nice gloves, and the daughter wears fancy shoes, which displays their tasteful style. The mother in the image has on earrings and a necklace and her daughter holds a fancy hat, which further adds to their distinguished appearance. Something as simple as dress allows the mother and child in this image to be deemed as middle class people who have a strong standing in their society. Black people’s confident appearance in early portraiture “countered a long history of contemptuous representations of Black people by portraying ‘black pride and identity’” in positive ways. By sitting for these photographs, Black people were able to control the depictions of the Black body and to create a new form of Black visibility that did not exist before. These photographs are significant because they “documented the existence of free ‘Americans’ of African descent, even as the issue of Black freedom and national belonging remained in question.” By staring confidently at the camera, like the woman and her child do in this image, Black women showed that they were worthy of being photographed, and thus worthy of being seen as equal members of society. Black women took agency over their citizenship and acceptance in America through photographs like this one. The women in this image, as they sit proudly in their fine clothes, show that they deserve to be seen and that they belong in American society as much as anyone else does. 

During slavery, Black women’s bodies were exploited, abused, and assaulted. This established Black women’s bodies as inferior and it deemed Black women commodifiable. Some sources estimate that “58% of all enslaved women aged 15–30 years were sexually assaulted by slave owners and other white men,” and because Black women were legally defined as property, this sexual assault was not a crime. By deeming Black women and girls un-rapeable from a legal standpoint they were extremely dehumanized. Further, Black women who were considered “‘strong’ were sold as breeders and routinely sexually assaulted to birth more children into slavery.” This caused Black motherhood to become associated with the labor production of future slaves. Thus, this image of the Black mother and her child becomes extremely significant as it shows motherhood through an empowering lens in which the mother has authority over her own child, body and sexuality. This representation of a mother sitting proudly with her child creates a new form of visibility for Black mothers and the agency they have, which opposes the notion that Black motherhood is exploitable and commodifiable. 

From an early time, Black women and their anatomy were viewed as extremely different from that of white women. Sixteenth and seventeenth century male travelers saw African women’s bodies as “inherently laboring ones — as female drudges that stood in stark distinction to the idealized idle and dependent English woman.” Early ideals that Black women’s anatomy was different from the “pure” white women’s allowed white slaveholders to justify their exploitation of Black women’s bodies. By appearing in photographs in the clothes and mannerisms that were held by white women, like the women in this photograph do, Black women were able to challenge this notion that they were vastly different and inferior to white women. This made dress and appearance something extremely important for Black women during slavery and afterwards, as it allowed them to reclaim their own bodies and appearance.

Enslaved Black women had multiple bodies that allowed them to survive the many hardships they faced during slavery. One of their most important bodies was the outlawed body that existed as a site of pleasure and resistance. This body represented pleasure, pride, and self-expression, which Black women enacted through small indulgences such as “making and wearing fancy dresses and attending illicit parties.” This body allowed Black women to have control over their attire and their social lives, which was a way for them to have agency over their typically exploited bodies. This body also allowed them to take part in the style and femininity that was reserved for white women. Enslaved women were often forced to wear uncolored, shapeless clothes that denounced their femininity. They fought against this by spending their free time making fancy clothes that they enjoyed, which included fashion trends white women wore, such as the hoopskirt. This allowed them to “appropriate a symbol of leisure and femininity (and freedom) and denatured their slave status.” Black women dressing in popular styles worn by white women continued after slavery, and it was an important way for them to counter the idea that Black women were unworthy of participating in the “elite” lifestyle of white women. After slavery, free Black women continued to fight for Black visibilty and against the oppressive beliefs that their bodies were inferior and exploitable. Images like this one of the mother and her child show the ways that Black women created new representations of themselves, by dressing confidently in elegant attire, showing that they had control over their lives and their bodies. 

This image of the mother and her child shows the ways that Black women in the mid nineteenth century created new visual representations of the Black body that fought against negative stereotypes and discrimination. Following slavery, Black people used photography to create positive depictions of themselves, in order to show that they belonged in American society, at a time when their citizenship was questioned. Black women used authority over their own self-expression to fight against the prevailing ideals that Black women were exploitable and commodifiable. They used portraits like this one to create new visibility for Black women that showed that they were strong, confident, and deserving of equality. This image shows a mother who has agency over her own appearance, motherhood and body. Through pictures like this, Black women proved to America that they had control over their own lives and narratives which allowed them to resist oppressive ideals, and fight for a world where they would be treated as worthy and equal. 

[1] African-American Woman and Child. Collection of the Allen Memorial Art Museum, 2013. http://allenartcollection.oberlin.edu/emuseum/view/objects/asitem/id/35869.  

[2]  Ibid. African-American Woman and Child.

[3]  Ibid. African-American Woman and Child.

[4] Cobb, Jasmine Nichole. “Parlor Fantasies, Parlor Nightmares.” Introduction. In Picture Freedom: Remaking Black Visuality in the Early Nineteenth Century, 1–27. New York: New York University Press, 2015.

[5]  Ibid. Cobb, Jasmine Nichole. “Parlor Fantasies, Parlor Nightmares.”

[6] Ibid. Cobb, Jasmine Nichole. “Parlor Fantasies, Parlor Nightmares.”

[7] Prather C, Fuller TR, Jeffries IV WL, Marshall KJ, Howell AV, Belyue-Umole A, King W (2018) Racism, African American women, and their sexual and reproductive health: a review of historical and contemporary evidence and implications for health equity, Health Equity 2:1, 249–259, DOI: 10.1089/heq.2017.0045. 

[8] Ibid.  Prather C, Fuller TR, Jeffries IV WL, Marshall KJ, Howell AV, Belyue-Umole A, King W (2018) Racism, African American women, and their sexual and reproductive health

[9] Ibid.  Prather C, Fuller TR, Jeffries IV WL, Marshall KJ, Howell AV, Belyue-Umole A, King W (2018) Racism, African American women, and their sexual and reproductive health

[10] Stephanie M. H. Camp. “The Pleasures of Resistance: Enslaved Women and Body Politics in the Plantation South, 1830-1861.” The Journal of Southern History 68, no. 3 (2002): 533-72. Accessed November 6, 2020. doi:10.2307/3070158.

[11] Cobb, Jasmine Nichole. “Parlor Fantasies, Parlor Nightmares.” Introduction. In Picture Freedom: Remaking Black Visuality in the Early Nineteenth Century, 1–27. New York: New York University Press, 2015. 

[12] Stephanie M. H. Camp. “The Pleasures of Resistance: Enslaved Women and Body Politics in the Plantation South, 1830-1861.” The Journal of Southern History 68, no. 3 (2002): 533-72. Accessed November 6, 2020. doi:10.2307/3070158.

[13] Ibid. Stephanie M. H. Camp. “The Pleasures of Resistance”

[14] Ibid. Stephanie M. H. Camp. “The Pleasures of Resistance”

[15] Ibid. Stephanie M. H. Camp. “The Pleasures of Resistance”

[16] Cobb, Jasmine Nichole. “Parlor Fantasies, Parlor Nightmares.” Introduction. In Picture Freedom: Remaking Black Visuality in the Early Nineteenth Century, 1–27. New York: New York University Press, 2015.

Works Cited 

African-American Woman and Child. Collection of the Allen Memorial Art Museum, 2013. http://allenartcollection.oberlin.edu/emuseum/view/objects/asitem/id/35869. 

Cobb, Jasmine Nichole. “Parlor Fantasies, Parlor Nightmares.” Introduction. In Picture Freedom: Remaking Black Visuality in the Early Nineteenth Century, 1–27. New York: New York University Press, 2015.

Prather C, Fuller TR, Jeffries IV WL, Marshall KJ, Howell AV, Belyue-Umole A, King W (2018) Racism, African American women, and their sexual and reproductive health: a review of historical and contemporary evidence and implications for health equity, Health Equity 2:1, 249–259, DOI: 10.1089/heq.2017.0045. 


Stephanie M. H. Camp. “The Pleasures of Resistance: Enslaved Women and Body Politics in the Plantation South, 1830-1861.” The Journal of Southern History 68, no. 3 (2002): 533-72. Accessed November 6, 2020. doi:10.2307/3070158.

“Bloomerism in Practice”: A Visual Analysis

“Bloomerism in Practice,” ca. 1851, Boston Public Library, Massachusetts Collections Online, https://ark.digitalcommonwealth.org/ark:/50959/9880w895c.

By Josie Rosman

After the 1848 Seneca Falls convention, the women’s rights movement in America was organized, visible, and growing. Women were joining the long-existing abolition movement in questioning who was actually “considered equal” in America. The print media in the US was already flourishing at the time, and widely circulated newspapers and periodicals shaped public opinion. Many of these newspapers published cartoons that mocked contemporary social movements.[1] One such cartoon was “Bloomerism in Practice,” which was published around October, 1851, the same time as the Second National Women’s Rights Conference in Worcester, Massachusetts.[2] “Bloomerism in Practice” equates the burgeoning women’s rights movement with bloomerism and abolitionism to misrepresent the goals of the women’s rights movement and thus incite fears of gender and racial upheaval. It illustrates contemporary expectations for white and Black womanhood. 

The message of “Bloomerism in Practice” depends on the contemporary cultural understanding that wearing bloomers was simultaneously part of and indicative of the goals of the women’s rights movement. There were multiple dress reform movements at the time that were adopting the look of pants under a skirt for women for comfort and ease of motion.[3] But the outfit only became a threat when it became associated with the women’s rights movement. Inspired by Elizabeth Smith Miller, suffragettes Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Amelia Bloomer adopted bloomers as their unofficial uniform in the early 1850s.[4] By calling the cartoon “Bloomerism in Practice,” the cartoonist was communicating to his audience that what he was depicting was intended to (mis)represent the goals of the women’s rights movement.

“Bloomerism in Practice” vilified the bloomerism movement by depicting how it could lead to complete gender upheaval and even the reversal of gender roles. Women wearing pants and simultaneously engaging with activism threatened the strict gender divide, as “by wearing pants-of any kind women appropriated male dress, and, by association, male privilege and power.”[5] Men “charged that if women wore the pants then it would logically follow that men would wear dresses and assume the female characteristics of dependence.”[6] This reversal in gender roles is clear in “Bloomerism in Practice” with the striking image of the domineering, masculine Mrs. Turkey, who rests her arm upon the head of the subjugated, emasculated Mr. Turkey, who is forced into the domestic task of sewing his own clothes.[7] The juxtaposition between Mrs. Turkey and Mr. Turkey is supposed to imply that emasculation is the inevitable endgame of bloomerism and the women’s rights movement. It also suggests that men who cannot control their lives or who “allow” their wives, sisters, and daughters to defy gender roles are already pathetic. Additionally, the cartoonist is not just critiquing Mrs. Turkey’s domination over Mr. In Turkey, he also paints her as unattractive and sitting in a comfortable sprawl, taking up space in the center of the room. This is included to contrast what was expected of women: that they be attractive and unassuming, making themselves small to serve others. Mrs. Turkey is the exact opposite of an ideal woman, which is intended to vilify the women’s rights movement while simultaneously emphasizing how womanhood should and should not look. 

The cartoon also portrays the dissolution of the nuclear family as a result of the women’s rights movement. Another of the most striking images in “Bloomerism in Practice” is the Turkeys’ little boy: his face is crumpled, he’s been forced to hold a sign that says “No More Mama & Papa,” and he’s being starved. Mrs. Turkey, “reposing on her laurels,” does not even look at her son, distracted by her fantasy of “President Mrs. Turkey” she envisions in the smoke. Mr. Turkey is no longer a strong male role model for his son and cannot properly help his son find his way in life. Through this imagery, the cartoonists wanted viewers to believe that if the woman’s rights movement “succeeds,” the nuclear family will fall apart and children will be neglected by their parents to incite condemnation from the viewer. It illustrates how white women were expected to remain within the realm of domesticity and childcare. 

“Bloomerism in Practice” also capitalizes on white readers’ racism by depicting an African American woman collaborating with a white woman. The women’s rights movement has been described as the “offspring” of the abolition movement, and the movements were closely connected in the public eye.[8] In the cartoon, the young women are dressed identically and hold overlapping signs that say “No More Basement and Kitchen” and “No More Massa and Missus.” The cartoonist paints a victory for one movement as one and the same as a victory for the other, which would likely discourage those who were for slavery and white supremacy from identifying themselves with the women’s rights movement. Additionally, it shows that the worst thing a Black woman in America could do is to “want to do like Missus,” both declaring her equal personhood and abdicating her subservient role.[9] Black womens’ subjugation was necessary to maintain both white supremacy and Black servitude. 

Additionally, though there is not an African American man in the cartoon itself, the depiction of any kind of interracial activism symbolized a threat to racial purity and painted the movements as immoral. White men represented appeals for “‘social equality’ as nothing more than a desire for intermarriage, particularly between Black men and white women…the mere presence of African Americans threatened white women’s purity.”[10] Of course, threats to white female purity are not truly about the purity of the woman but of “‘the rights of houses’—that is, white men’s exclusive access to white women.”[11] By emphasizing the interracial nature of contemporary movements, the cartoonist was trying to invoke fears of white men losing access to white women and thus their ability to maintain white supremacy, illustrating one of white women’s perceived duties to society. 

Cartoons like “Bloomerism in Practice” were somewhat effective in their attacks on bloomerism and the women’s rights movement. Women’s rights activists played into respectability politics and stopped wearing bloomers out of fear that their outfits were hurting their cause.[12] This was a step back in the progress they had made in making female fashion more comfortable and practical. Meanwhile, other women interested in dress reform made efforts to distance themselves from the women’s rights movement out of fear of ridicule.[13] But the real potential of the movement was deeper than surface level. 

Just as movements have adapted over the years, the white patriarchy has twisted and updated its attempts to control what women look like and the company they keep. Respectibility politics and purity politics have been a part of every wave of the feminist movement. In the end, the real issues are always about what groups get to have power over and access to other groups. 


[1] Julia Petrov, “‘A Strong-Minded American Lady’: Bloomerism in Texts and Images, 1851,” Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 20, no. 4 (September 2016): 381–413. doi:10.1080/1362704X.2015.1082296.

[2] “More Women’s Rights Conventions,” National Parks Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, https://www.nps.gov/wori/learn/historyculture/more-womens-rights-conventions.htm. Accessed November 5, 2020.

[3] Gayle V. Fischer, “”Pantalets” and “Turkish Trousers”: Designing Freedom in the Mid-Nineteenth-Century United States,” Feminist Studies 23, no. 1 (Spring, 1997): 2. http://ezproxy.oberlin.edu/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/233179369?accountid=12933.

[4] “Seneca Falls and the Start of Annual Conventions: Dress Reform and the Bloomer Outfit,” The Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/exhibitions/women-fight-for-the-vote/about-this-exhibition/seneca-falls-and-building-a-movement-1776-1890/seneca-falls-and-the-start-of-annual-conventions/dress-reform-and-the-bloomer-outfit/. Accessed November 5, 2020.

[5] Fischer, “‘Pantalets’ And ‘Turkish Trousers,’” 2.

[6] Fischer, “‘Pantalets’ And ‘Turkish Trousers,’” 3.

[7] The cartoon also emphasises the “foreignness” of the bloomer outfit. The Turkeys were named as a nod to the Turkish costume. Turkish women were seen as “other” and the outfit was sometimes associated with the “un-Christian sensuality of Turkish harems”(see Petrov, “‘A Strong Minded American Lady,’” 402). The otherness of the Turkeys is emphasized by the turban and fabric on the table behind them, to further characterize them as foreign and thus un-American. 

[8] “Antislavery Connection,” National Parks Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, February 26, 2015, https://www.nps.gov/wori/learn/historyculture/antislavery-connection.htm. 

[9] Any assertion of autonomy from African American women at the time was also a threat to white men’s self-granted license to rape and assault their African Americans slaves and servants whenever they chose without fear of consequences. 

[10] April R. Haynes, “Licentiousness in All Its Forms,” In Riotous Flesh: Women, Physiology, and the Solitary Vice in Nineteenth-Century America (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2015), 57. 

[11] Haynes, “Licentiousness in All Its Forms,” 58.

[12] “Seneca Falls and the Start of Annual Conventions: Dress Reform and the Bloomer Outfit.”

[13]  Fischer, “‘Pantalets’ And ‘Turkish Trousers,’” 4.


Bibliography 

“Antislavery Connection.” National Parks Service. U.S. Department of the Interior, February 26, 2015. https://www.nps.gov/wori/learn/historyculture/antislavery-connection.htm. 

Fischer, Gayle V. “”Pantalets” and “Turkish Trousers”: Designing Freedom in the Mid-Nineteenth-Century United States.” Feminist Studies 23, no. 1 (Spring, 1997): 2. http://ezproxy.oberlin.edu/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/233179369?accountid=12933.

Haynes, April R. “Licentiousness in All Its Forms.” In Riotous Flesh: Women, Physiology, and the Solitary Vice in Nineteenth-Century America (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2015). 

“More Women’s Rights Conventions.” National Parks Service. U.S. Department of the Interior. https://www.nps.gov/wori/learn/historyculture/more-womens-rights-conventions.htm. Accessed November 5, 2020. 

Petrov, Julia. “‘A Strong-Minded American Lady’: Bloomerism in Texts and Images, 1851.” Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 20, no. 4 (September 2016): 381–413. doi:10.1080/1362704X.2015.1082296.

“Seneca Falls and the Start of Annual Conventions: Dress Reform and the Bloomer Outfit.” The Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/exhibitions/women-fight-for-the-vote/about-this-exhibition/seneca-falls-and-building-a-movement-1776-1890/seneca-falls-and-the-start-of-annual-conventions/dress-reform-and-the-bloomer-outfit/. Accessed November 5, 2020.